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(en) Italy, UCDI #183 - Regional as electoral polls (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

Date Mon, 15 Apr 2024 09:37:05 +0300

The latest electoral poll through the regional elections has concluded for the moment with a draw, but the voting trend deserves to be analyzed because it provides interesting keys to understanding the political situation in the country. The first and most evident fact that emerges is that only around 50% of the voters went to the polls, with the result that it is necessary to weigh the consensus gathered by the elected representatives and that attributed to the losers and in the meantime admit that the winners of the one and the other party have the consent of no more than a quarter of the voters entitled to vote. This highlights the crisis of politics and citizens' participation in voting, phenomena dictated by the belief that "this or that is equal to me", or that nothing can be expected from the elected representatives, because, ultimately, the differences between them they are few. Having said this, we cannot help but develop some considerations regarding specific cases.

Sardinia Meloni and Caligula syndrome

Designating the candidate for Sardinia, in her imperial delirium, the Prime Minister found nothing better than to emulate Caligula, who, loving supremely incitatatus, his favorite horse, decided to nominate him Senator, imposing it on the conscript fathers. as a clear demonstration of his contempt for them and as a measure of his personal undisputed power. Similarly, Meloni, having landed in Cagliari, chose Paolo Truzzu, the unwanted mayor of Cagliari, predestining him to the position of Governor of the island.
The choice had been careful and considered, cemented by the relationship of trust built during drinks in the tavern near Via della Scrofa, in the Garbatella section, fantasizing about Ascari's marches to conquer Africa, the glories of the empire, and above all on the development of a strategy to identify a common path out of the sewers. The "blonde dwarf", as Salvini defines her, dusted off the frequent trips to Rome of the comrade from Cagliari when in the 90s Truzzu and Meloni were both students and fascist militants and both militated in the National Alliance and then in Student Action; that common militancy was consolidated in the national holidays of Atreju and therefore Truzzu was chosen as the perfect companion of the group of the premier's loyalists, and deserving of being proconsul in Sardinia. Truzzu's only merit was that of being the boss's horse, but Meloni, like Caligula, went decidedly badly. Once again the family solutions did not work, thanks to the split vote on the presidency of the region. The 8.5% of the votes that went to Soru made the sides clear and visible.

In Abruzzo it is repeated

At first glance, Abruzzo seemed like a perfect replica of the Sardinia case: the prime minister's candidate, Marco Marsilio, emerged from the sewers like the prime minister and the Sardinian candidate, in fact he was the secretary of the section in which Meloni joined the party. More intensely than Truzzu, he was part of the development of the Roman ruling group and already during the last elections, he was sent as proconsul to nearby Abruzzo, maintaining the Roman residence.
The disastrous state of healthcare in the region, the delays in the construction of infrastructures (it is enough to mention for everyone the Rome-Pescara railway), the state of degradation of the school buildings, the absence of counseling centers, of services, the lack of development, made one think that a turning point in the management of the government of the region was necessary and welcomed by the citizens.
But these forecasts lacked a more in-depth knowledge of the territory in which the prime minister's party has a deep-rooted establishment than in Sardinia, especially if we look at the province of L'Aquila, which is her constituency. In Abruzzo the fascists know the interest groups well and the outgoing administration has distributed advantages and perks to them in the 5 years of government, breaking down the constraints that prevented building speculation, leaving room for a set of clientelistic groups that find their representation in the regional council and who had no intention of abandoning. Emblematic of this situation is the movement to Forza Italia of a part of what had been clientele and electoral support of the 5 Stars around the candidate Sara Marozzi.

In organizing its electoral campaign in the area, the right adopted different strategies in the 4 provinces. In the 108 municipalities of L'Aquila, it has focused on family chains, which are particularly effective for controlling the vote in small towns where everyone knows each other, and on policies to deregulate building restrictions in the territories occupied by natural parks. The strategy implemented in the province of Teramo is less effective, where the production structure is characterized by the creation of production investment areas in small municipalities.
The centre-left was more confident about the crisis than the League - confirmed by the electoral results - but above all about the fact that the civic candidate D'Amato, considered to be of great quality and balance, was able to gather the support of a very large group. Precisely this circumstance - in our opinion - is one of the truest causes of the defeat of the so-called reformist forces because, by bringing everyone together, it demonstrated in practice that there were no substantial differences between the two sides and provided a rational reason for those has decided to abstain, not to participate, aware of the fact that large crowds do not convince anyone, especially if those who take part in them do not miss the opportunity to criticize each other and to say all the bad things possible about each other, while they should act as allies. For once we need to agree with the prime minister and admit that to win it is not a wide or very wide field that is important, but a cohesive one.


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