A-Infos (en) Brazil, UNIPA: Comunicat n. 79 - Bourgeois elections and class violence: we don't have a democracy to defend, but a tyranny to fight! (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

Bakuninism interprets bourgeois elections through class war, analyzing the 
economic and political conjuncture, the interstate system, as well as the 
structural aspects of bourgeois elections, their role in the reproduction of 
exploitation and oppression systems and the performance of each of the actors 
involved (parties , interest groups, class entities and fractions of the 
bourgeoisie), their programs in appearance and essence. ---- The Bakuninist 
approach requires: 1) a materialist analysis, that is, understanding the class 
war by analyzing the concrete actions of political subjects, organizations and 
class fractions in the processes of capitalist exploitation and oppression; and 
2) a dialectical analysis, which we resort to the antinomy authority-freedom , 
that is, the contradictions between the forces of bourgeois order, or the system 
of authority , between popular and revolutionary forces, or the system of freedom .

Therefore, we must understand that a) elections are an expression of the game of 
bourgeois domination, as a reinforcement of statism; b) elections are determined 
by clientelism, patronage, electoral corrals, violence and vote buying; c) 
reformist parties can win elections to the extent that they equip classist 
organizations such as trade unions and movements electorally, and in doing so, 
weaken the movement; d) the maintenance of these reformist parties in the power 
bloc depends on their assimilation and collaboration with fractions of the 
dominant classes.

In our Communiqué No. 61 , of January 1, 2019, we stated:

Every neoliberal agenda is organically linked to the expansion and improvement of 
repression, therefore, the proto-fascist and ultraliberal program of the 
Bolsonaro-Mourão government points to a new stage of repression of the people 
accompanied by surrender policies, that is, subservience to interests of Capital, 
with advances in privatizations, dismantling of public services and destruction 
of social and labor rights .

The Bolsonaro-Mourão government confirmed itself as a government of 
clerical-military-bourgeois reaction. The ruling classes broke the class 
conciliation pact that sustained the PT governments (2003-2016), propitiating, 
with the support of the Armed Forces and the Judiciary, the impeachment of Dilma 
Rousseff and the subsequent rise of Bolsonaro, whose electoral campaign in the 
barracks began still in 2014. This is yet another counterinsurgency reaction, a 
reaction to the insurgent popular movement of 2013 and the ascending cycle of 
strikes and occupations that followed (2013-2017). The advance of proto-fascism 
strengthened the authority system, militarism, theologism and ultraliberalism in 
the power structure of the Federal Government.[1]

Thus, between 2016 and 2018, Bolsonaro outlined a political dispute strategy that 
not only relied on external factors that benefited him (PT crisis, Trump 
administration, lack of leadership in the traditional right, etc.), but also his 
own actions that managed to take advantage of of these elements and give a 
relative unity (albeit very unstable, and against the will of some bourgeois 
factions) around his candidacy.

In early 2021[2]we stated that the defense of a military coup in Brazil as a 
strategy of the national and international bourgeoisie was losing strength. Thus, 
the bourgeois fractions pointed to two more likely trends: 1) the construction of 
a more pragmatic and neoliberal electoral alternative without Bolsonaro and 2) a 
new class conciliation pact with the leftist party-union bureaucracies. The trend 
towards a new pact was being built with Lula's eligibility, the change in the US 
government and the opening of the CPI on the Pandemic and was consolidated with 
the transfer of toucan Alckmin to the PSB.

In the field of union, popular and student movements, the policy of degenerate 
reformism (Frente Brasil Popular e Povo Sem Medo, CUT, UNE, MST, MTST, PT, 
PCdoB), led by lulopetismo, was to wear down Bolsonaro, mainly through 
institutional means, such as the CPI and by virtual and symbolic actions, such as 
impeachment requests, including with former Bolsonarist parliamentarians, such as 
Joyce Hesselman. That is, he assumed the construction of the electoral pact of 
collaboration and conciliation with the dominant factions.

In turn, the "renewed" reformism on the rise, recently articulated from the 
UP/PCR, PCB and PSOL currents, built the "Povo na Rua" front, whose policy was to 
remove Bolsonaro via impeachment before the 2022 elections. . Street acts in 2021 
gained relative strength with the coming together of movements from the 
peripheries and favelas and revolutionary anarchists and unionists, who had 
already been combining a policy of mutual aid with direct action in the streets, 
including clashing with reformist sectors that tried to prevent the advance of 
the demonstrations. However, the collaborationist policy of lulopetismo managed 
to prevail,

For its part, the bourgeoisie failed in its attempt to build the so-called "third 
way", just as it failed in its effort to "tame" the captain. For this reason, it 
found itself divided between the fractions that bet their chips on Bolsonaro's 
re-election, as in the case of the São Paulo bank-cracy and Agribusiness, and 
those that joined the Broad Front brought together by the Lula-Alckmin ticket , 
in particular the national bourgeoisie. and international level of the so-called 
"green capitalism".

It is also important to highlight the external factors that benefited the 
lulopetismo policy: 1) the victory of Joe Biden and the Democrats over the 
Trumpist extreme right; 2) imperialist financing via "green capitalism" and its 
geopolitical interests in the Amazon; 3) conflicts between imperialist powers 
incited by the Ukraine war and 4) the genocidal management of the Pandemic by the 
Bolsonaro government.

1. The elections and the strengthening of the extreme right in the bourgeois 
parliament.

The first round of bourgeois elections[3]expressed a breakdown of the neoliberal 
right organized mainly in the PSDB alliance with the former PFL, whose reference 
is the two governments of Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Marco Maciel (1994-2002). 
The PSDB/Cidadania party federation elected 18 federal deputies, that is, they 
lost eleven seats. União Brasil, the result of the merger of the DEM with the 
PSL, which was born with the discourse of being the largest party, elected only 
59 deputies, an increase of 8 seats. The MDB also had a small growth, rising from 
47 to 52 elected representatives. Similar reductions took place on the benches of 
the Republicans, Solidarity, PP, PSD, PTB.

The benches of the bourgeois fractions suffered reductions in the National 
Congress[4]: the business bench reduced from 204 deputies and 38 senators to, 
respectively, 178 and 32; the ruralist group reduced from 80 deputies and 27 
senators to 57 and 24, respectively; the evangelical/bible bench reduced from 85 
deputies to 73, but in the Senate it increased from 7 to 12 representatives; the 
security/bullet bench reduced from 61 deputies to 56, but in the Senate it 
increased from 9 to 10 representatives.

It is important to highlight that these relative reductions in the benches of the 
bourgeois fractions do not represent losses in their capacities for pressure and 
influence, in fact, their interests are united in the agendas of the extreme 
right and Bolsonarism gathered mainly in the parliamentarians elected by the PL, 
Bolsonaro's current party. which elected 99 federal deputies, coming close to the 
record of the former PFL, which elected 100 deputies in 1998. With the largest 
bench, the PL aims to be the center of gravity of the extreme right and 
Bolsonarism in parliament.

In the field of degenerate reformism, the PT increased the number of seats in the 
Federal Chamber to 68 deputies, and its party federation with the PCdoB and PV 
reached 80 elected representatives. The federation of PSOL and Rede have 14 
elected representatives. In turn, the union bench practically maintained the 
previous number. There are 41 congressmen (30 from the PT), 36 deputies and 6 
senators. Already Alckmin's PSB reduced its bench from 24 to 14 deputies.

In the second round of elections, degenerate reformism defended the candidacy of 
the Lula-Alckmin ticket under the argument of fighting Bolsonarism and defending 
democracy, that is, the bourgeois order under the aegis of the 1988 Constitution. 
Thus, it managed to attract support from the neoliberal right , both the old 
leaders of the PSDB and the renewed neoliberals, like the MDBist Simone Tebet.

The renewed reformists also defended the "critical vote" on the Lula-Alckmin 
ticket, under the justification that the electoral defeat of the Bolsonaro-Braga 
Neto ticket would be a hard blow to Bolsonarism, since it would remove its 
control over the State machine, the resources and public policies. This idealist 
argument abstracts from the growth of the extreme right and its radicalization. 
It abstracts from the fact that the elected representation of the extreme right 
in the National Congress is in itself sufficient to approve any measure, 
including the ultraliberal reforms not completed by Bolsonaro and Guedes, such as 
the Administrative Reform. Mainly, it abstracts that there is no point in 
changing the government on duty, as all the structures of domination and 
exploitation remain intact.

The new composition of the bourgeois parliament and the new rearrangement of the 
executive power, with an apparent return to the class conciliation pact, are 
consequences of the polarization between Lulopetismo and Bolsonarism (centralized 
in the PL, but ideologically pulverized in several parties, Republicans, União 
Brazil, PP, MDB, PSD, among others). This polarization is an expression of the 
sharpening of the class war in the countryside and in the city. Preliminary 
information from the Pastoral Land Commission points out that by August 2022, 25 
murders were recorded as a result of conflicts, while in the whole of 2020 there 
were 20 murders. In the same month of August, pistol shooting was responsible for 
40% of deaths in the camp[5]. Across the country, police forces murdered 6,133 
people in 2021 and expanded terrorism over favelas and peripheries with the 
multiplication of massacres. While violence in the countryside is imposed by the 
agribusiness bourgeoisie to increase the colonization of nature and territories, 
massacring the native peoples, the genocide of black people in the favelas and 
outskirts is one of the main weapons for the imposition of increasingly 
precarious conditions of life and work.

For an effective understanding of the current context of class war, overcoming 
the idealism of reformism, whether in its degenerate or renewed version, it is 
necessary to reflect and analyze Brazil in the international context, to 
understand the political and economic interests and conflicts of the powers 
imperialists.

2. New Cold War and the location of Brazil in the new International Division of Labor

The Bakuninist interpretation, when characterizing global capitalism in its 
ultra-monopoly phase, highlights the concentration of capital accumulation from 
the expansion of forms of super-exploitation of the collective forces of the 
working class on a world scale. Thus, the interstate system of domination imposes 
the resurgence of dependence and subordination of peripheral and semi-peripheral 
nations to empires, it is the expansionist-monopolist of States and the capital 
responsible for the "new global wave of colonization" with the geopolitical 
context of "new cold war".[6]

In the ultra-monopoly phase, the "developmentalist" model of the PT governments 
in the first decades of the 21st century guaranteed and reinforced the 
subordinate insertion of the Brazilian economy in the regime of concentrated 
capital accumulation, with the so-called macroeconomic tripod ( floating exchange 
rate, inflation target and target tax), and the export dependence of 
agroextractivist activities, thus increasing the power of the bank, rentism and 
agribusiness itself, while favoring a portion of the CLTtist formal salaried 
working class, whose official unions were linked to the CUT, and civil servants 
public. This was the basis of the conciliation of classes in the period 2003-2015.

Dilma Rousseff's impeachment, which unilaterally broke the class conciliation 
pact, was simultaneously a counterinsurgency movement and an alignment of the 
Brazilian economy according to imperialist interests. The capitalist powers 
demanded a surrender government, a role that Michael Temer/MDB (2016-2018) 
fulfilled without hesitation, applying one in Petrobras' new pricing policy 
through the PPI (International Price Parity).[7]

The rise of Bolsonarism meant the advancement of surrender policies with the 
ultraliberal policies of Paulo Guedes. It was Brazil's alignment with the global 
extreme right, and fundamentally Donald Trump's position in the US. This 
subordination to imperialism in its version of the international extreme right 
guaranteed benefits to the bourgeois fractions that supported the rupture of the 
class conciliation pact, thanks to the maintenance of the macroeconomic tripod, 
the approval of the public spending ceiling, the privatization of state companies 
, the labor and social security reforms, environmental deregulation, colonization 
over territories and the massacre of indigenous peoples, peasants and blacks and 
peripherals.

Brazilian indigenous peoples in the fight against the construction of the Belo 
Monte hydroelectric plant in Xingú
This realignment was a requirement of the new wave of colonization of the 
empires, to guarantee a predatory expansion of the extractive industry and 
agroindustry and, consequently, provoked the deterritorialization of indigenous 
peoples, quilombolas and other traditional communities. This economically and 
politically strengthened the agribusiness bourgeoisie. The PAC of the PT 
governments served these anti-people interests, strengthening both the rural 
bourgeoisie and the financial sectors, the bancocracy, since there was no 
macroeconomic change. But the imperialist crisis required the radicalization of 
the wave of colonization, above all the subordination of the land, nature and 
peoples.Only an extreme right-wing government, with a submissive and 
ultra-liberal policy, would be able to fulfill this task.

In this way, the dependent insertion in the capitalist world economy and in the 
interstate system was radicalized in the sense of increasing the informal labor 
market linked to the service sector and subservience to US interests, under the 
aegis of the Trumpist extreme right. Thus, Brazil remained a major supplier of 
raw materials and food, while at the same time benefiting the bank and exporting 
agribusiness with the devaluation of the real.

The environmental deregulation promoted by the Bolsonaro Government deeply 
affected the already difficult and limited work of IBAMA employees and with that 
affected Brazilian international relations, which had blocked foreign funds and 
entered into a collision course with the European Union's foreign policy of 
environmental protection , the UN and Biden, as soon as he won the elections. In 
this sense, the Bolsonaro government weakened all multilateral integration 
policies based on the BRICS and at the same time began to displease the US 
itself, given the alliance of the Trumpist extreme right with the Bolsonaro 
family, in particular.

Still on the international stage, we have the appearance of the Covid-19 Pandemic 
that disorganized the global production chains and the increase in unemployment 
in China impacted the entire world economy, in addition to the War in 
Ukraine[8]which increased the price of fuel, increasing the internal price given 
Petrobras' pricing policy to favor shareholders.

In this way, the Pandemic and the Ukraine War, in addition to Biden's victory in 
the US, opened space for a possible new class pact in the context of Brazilian 
dependent capitalism. In this context, on the one hand, the rise of China as a 
dominant power and the shift from the North Atlantic to Asia as the main center 
of capitalist accumulation. On the other hand, the decline of the global military 
power of the USA and its supporters, marking the end of the Eurocentric 
civilizational hegemony.

Geopolitics determined by ultramonopoly despotic tendencies and the 
intensification of inter-imperialist disputes, in the form of the "new cold war", 
dominate the reorganization of the interstate system since the beginning of the 
2010s, however, plague and war, that is, the The Covid-19 pandemic and the war in 
Ukraine acted as catalysts for these trends and variations of statist despotism 
and theologism.

Russia's invasion of Ukraine and NATO's support for Ukraine are part of the 
US-Russia infra-energy disputes. Oil and Gas will still be the main energy 
sources in the next 20 years. The European and US sanctions against Moscow 
favored the strengthening of its political, economic and military relations with 
Beijing, that is, they produced the opposite effect to that intended by the 
European Union and the US. So far, the EU has been the most affected, given its 
dependence on Russian gas and the geopolitical difficulties in having other 
sources of supply that are closer and cheaper, impacting its energy transition 
project.

Growing disputes over mineral and infra-energy resources impact on the 
expropriation of common goods to convert nature into a commodity. Resources such 
as water and forest maintenance are becoming commodities to be traded, which is 
one of the main points of global climate conferences. Brazil, Indonesia and the 
Democratic Republic of Congo are already negotiating a kind of "OPEC of the 
forests", since they have the largest tropical forests on the planet, with the 
aim of transforming tropical forests into commodities to be traded in the carbon 
market.

In this way, we can see that the pandemic situation and condition with genocidal 
action by the Brazilian government that caused more than 700,000 people to die, 
the global impact on the acceleration of geostrategic trends in countries, such 
as reindustrialization projects, in addition to infrastructure disputes and the 
The rise of the global extreme right, which was electorally defeated in the 
United States, made it possible for the PT to build a range of alliances whose 
main point was the defense of the Amazon, which in practice means the development 
of a green capitalism in Brazil as a major supplier of carbon sequestration. , 
not eliminating the financialized and dependent character of Brazilian capitalism.

3 - The return of lulopetismo and post-election Bolsonarism

From the point of view of elections, lulopetismo[9]built a Frente Ampla in 
defense of the liberal bourgeois order inaugurated from the Constitution of 1988. 
In this sense, the Lula-Alckmin alliance and its victory favored the system of 
authority, by strengthening and legitimize state powers.

Degenerate reformism, its organizations and its grassroots militancy have been 
celebrating the electoral victory as if the extreme right and its project had 
been defeated. However, the Frente Ampla is incapable of defeating the extreme 
right, nor does it mean a defeat of the racist and patriarchal bourgeoisie. 
Bakunin clearly perceived the fallacy of alliances with bourgeois parties when he 
stated that

all the experiences of history show us that an alliance concluded between two 
different parties always works to the benefit of the most backward party; this 
alliance necessarily weakens the most advanced party, diminishing, deforming its 
program, destroying its moral strength, its confidence in itself . (BAKUNIN, 
1872[10]).

The reformist degeneration of lulopetismo was materialized in 2002, with the 
electoral alliance with the PL, however, the alliances of the Frente Ampla of 
2022 indicate a moment of no return, whose degeneration advances towards the 
field of renewed reformism. Passive adherence to the electoral project of 
lulopetismo reinforced the guardianship and commitment of all leftist electoral 
parties, including their bureaucracies in the union, student and popular 
movement, with the bourgeois, racist and patriarchal State.

Degenerate and "renewed" reformism follow predictable political strategies of 
realignment with the bourgeois order, as Bakunin states:

Between the radical party of republicans and the moderate doctrinaire party of 
constitutional liberals there is no essential difference. Among them, the 
principle is the same; only their temperaments differ. Both sides place the 
State, family law and, deriving from the latter, the right of inheritance and 
private property at the base of their social organization, that is, the right of 
the possessing minority to exploit the work of the non-existent majority. owner. 
(Bakunin, 1870[11]).

This new realignment of the reformist camp seeks to avoid new ruptures in the 
organization of masses linked to lulopetismo, as occurred with the creation of 
CONLUTAS and with the foundation of PSOL. In fact, Psolism may crumble with its 
adherence to the government. Likewise, it must increase control over the 
combative proletarian youth and alignment trends in local struggles with more 
autonomous movements or struggles. It is, therefore, the strengthening of the 
State and the Republic of 1988 through increasing the tutelage and control over 
popular movements as a way of safeguarding "democracy".Not by chance, Lula has 
already announced the return of spheres of class conciliation: the so-called 
national conferences, tripartite forums that bring together the government, 
businessmen and union, student and popular bureaucracies.

Quite possibly we will have more strengthening of these spheres of class 
conciliation with the reissue of the strategy to co-opt and weaken popular 
struggles, replacing them with the know-how developed by the CUT and by the other 
reformist social movements in previous PT governments: participation in state 
spheres to discussion and implementation of public policies from the conciliation 
of classes .

The relative novelty in the strategy of taming the popular masses and their 
adherence to the bourgeois order is found in ministerial formation, such as the 
incorporation of the false discourse of "representativeness" and 
"identitarianism", since political characters such as Sonia Guajajara (PSOL ), 
Silvio Almeida (non-party), Margareth Menezes (non-party) and Anielle Franco 
(non-party) become part of the executive branch.

From the point of view of the ruling classes, Bolsonaro's electoral defeat and 
Lula's return to the presidency of the republic did not represent a threat to 
their existence and capitalist domination in Brazil. Immediate interests of 
certain dominant fractions may be affected, but in no way in terms of liquidating 
their power or investment. On the geopolitical level, the Lula government may 
find a space for action within the conflict between the US and China, given the 
relative importance of Bolsonaro's defeat to the US extreme right, which did not 
achieve a victory by a large margin, as expected, in the elections of midterm in 
the US, remaining as the least seat in the Senate. It is not by chance that, on 
the one hand, there is talk of resuming previous partnerships, such as the BRICS, 
for example, and on the other hand, the financing of the Amazon is being negotiated.

In the internal context, the victory of lulopetismo and its allied forces takes 
place in a scenario of even greater advance of theologism. The center of the 
debate in the first days of the second round being Freemasonry and Satanism are 
strong indications of this hypothesis. The political-economic power of the 
churches and their insertion in impoverished territories with no prospects, given 
the characteristics of Brazilian dependent capitalism, was and is a fertile 
ground for its propagation and junction with militarism, extreme right and 
neoliberal ideologies.

In Communiqué No. 76 we stated:

Thus, the crisis of organization of the proletariat is directly related to this 
ideological hegemony of the churches, because instead of the popular masses 
believing and dedicating themselves to collective struggles and the construction 
of Socialism and Freedom, today they seek in religion and in churches some 
meaning for life and, mainly, some material, cultural and spiritual assistance. 
This has generated, on a local scale, great loyalty to reactionary religious 
institutions, which weekly mobilize more people than assemblies and union acts, 
which in turn have acted in the macropolitical sphere against the interests of 
the people (and their own faithful), like the Bible bench in Congress.This 
contradiction of latent and potential class interests within religious 
institutions has already generated some fissures, but it will only be resolved in 
fact with the ideological and political struggle for the reorganization of the 
working class. The theological basis is still significant and the most popular of 
Bolsonarismo, literally treated as "maneuver mass" .

Likewise, the current context is marked by the political protagonism of the Armed 
Forces, which, even after losing the central government, continue to play the 
role of an organic party of the extreme right, commanding the civil and military 
police forces of the State based on the doctrine of maintenance of the bourgeois 
order with the pursuit and combat of popular forces recognized as class enemies. 
One cannot rule out the possibility that Lula and the Frente Ampla will not 
finish their mandate, even if this is the lowest scenario, at least in the next 
two years. The "Joint Note to Military Commands - To the Brazilian Institutions 
and People",[12]on Bolsonarist protests against the election results, and the 
nomination of José Múcio Monteiro, who during the Corporate-Military Dictatorship 
was affiliated with the support party of military governments - Arena, to the 
Ministry of Defense confirms the maintenance of power as a politician of the 
Armed Forces as a party that defends the proto-fascist program.

For its part, Bolsonarist militancy, financed by entrepreneurs from the 
agribusiness and logistics sector and with the support of the police forces and 
the Armed Forces Command, began an attempt to lockout with the closure of roads 
in 17 states of the federation, concentrating their actions in the Center-South, 
mainly Mato Grosso and Santa Catarina. Subsequently, several Bolsonarist and 
far-right groups received orders in Whatsapp groups to concentrate in front of 
the barracks asking for military intervention and closure of the regime.

These mobilizations reinforced the mass character of Bolsonarism and the extreme 
right in Brazil. With the slogan "God, homeland and family"[13]large public 
demonstrations were held on November 1st, which mostly brought together salaried 
sectors of the middle class, petty bourgeoisie and wealthy classes, united by 
anti-people, misogynistic ideologies , racist, lgbtphobic, militaristic and 
religious. The immediate aftermath was more political violence, with street 
clashes and attempted terrorist acts.

The basis of lulopetismo opted for the cowardly policy of the discourse in 
defense of the "democratic state of law", calling for actions by the forces of 
repression to legitimize the decisions of the Minister of the Supreme Court, 
Alexandre de Morais. Faced with this situation, small anti-fascist, anarchist, 
autonomous groups and revolutionary unionists took to the streets as a 
counterpoint to the action of the extreme right. PT reformism gave the line: do 
not mobilize the streets and rely on the institutions of the bourgeois republic 
to contain the fascist impetus.

4 - Advance in the tasks of reorganizing the working class

Bolsonarism, or rather the Brazilian extreme right, does not die with the victory 
of the Lula-Alckmin ticket. They managed to elect a strong bench aligned with the 
extreme right and militarism, just as they won in states like São Paulo and Rio 
de Janeiro. There is a Brazilian proto-fascist that for the time being does not 
have an official hierarchical structure, a centralized mass movement-party. So 
far, there are several groups that communicate through socio-technical networks 
with some chain of command, probably from the Armed Forces, and with great 
funding from businessmen, mainly from the agribusiness and logistics sector in 
the center-south of the country.There is an anti-people, extremely racist, 
misogynistic and lgbtphobic sector of Brazilian society capable of mobilizing 
resources to gain electoral support.[14].

As revolutionary anarchists we have to speak the truth: only a general strike and 
a popular uprising, similar to 2013, could nationally stop the current bourgeois 
offensive and the genocide of the Brazilian people. For this, it is urgently 
necessary to resume the basic capacity of resistance and popular organization. 
The exercise of revolutionary gymnastics is essential, resuming each activity of 
resistance and struggle as training for building a general strike that will 
encourage the working class. This means that the struggle to improve working 
conditions, the struggle for land, for territory, against racism, against 
patriarchy and against lgbtphobia must be carried out in a perspective of 
universal emancipation. In times of hunger,

            In the general plan we have the confrontation between the alliance 
of classes headed by the PT that will try to move in the bourgeois 
institutionality to promote some type of social benefit based on green 
capitalism, perhaps reversing the spent ceiling, but not the entire macroeconomic 
tripod that comes from the Fernando government Henry Cardoso. In this sense, the 
biggest conflict will be in what kind of macroeconomic, social and fiscal policy 
will be adopted by the new government and what is its margin of maneuver for 
this. Today we have no capabilities to destroy our enemies. The people know this. 
In this sense, it is necessary to reaffirm that the main destructive/creative 
objectives are:

1) to resume and strengthen the basic instances of struggle and organization of 
the working class, such as assemblies, meetings , agitation , propaganda, 
protests, strikes and solidarity networks with a view to building the FOB and the 
people's congress;

2) combat proto-fascism in the most diffuse and disorganized sectors of the 
people and the Lulist ideology in the popular-union movement: such combats must 
combine struggles for immediate concrete demands and the ideological struggle in 
defense of class independence, the general strike and the boycott electoral. 
Lulism and Bolsonarism are two historical forms of denial of the autonomous 
political capacity of the working class, therefore, the principle of class 
independence without a clearly defined ideological struggle against these two 
trends is nothing more than hollow phraseology, and this ideological struggle 
will produce more effect within real claiming movements;

3) construction and strengthening of new tools of struggle for the proletariat 
and peoples (under the strategy of revolutionary syndicalism), such as autonomous 
movements and unions, combative oppositions, mutual support groups, popular 
assemblies, cooperatives, etc.;

4) the development of a revolutionary mass line that articulates the task of 
opposition to bureaucracies and autonomous organization of the masses, that is, 
that has the tactical flexibility to dispute the course of struggles as 
Opposition and as Independent Movements.

The Bakuninist mass line of construction of revolutionary syndicalism in Brazil 
proved to be correct. Today, the autonomous proto-unions and militant nuclei 
develop an important demanding, solidary and agitative action, albeit on a small 
scale, in a national scenario of total demobilization and paralysis on the part 
of the official and reformist unionism. This action fulfills the important task 
of preserving and expanding a small pole of resistance formed in the last period 
through years of political-ideological struggle, thus avoiding apathy and 
disintegration, and rehearsing methods and organizational forms to build true 
mass organizations when this is possible.

In this situation of formation of a conciliation government, the trend of 
systemic integration increases. We have a scenario of the strengthening of 
reformism and the disintegration of combative or revolutionary sectors with 
difficulty in acting in a less explosive and revolutionary conjuncture, such as 
2013, and it is essential today that we have patience, discipline, cohesion and 
fraternity among our people for the construction and massification of trade 
unions, popular rural and city organizations and students and thus serve as an 
effective possibility of emancipation of all people.

Anarchist and self-employed workers will, in any scenario, be under the pressure 
of two forces, bourgeois reaction and Lulopetismo. You have to prepare for that. 
If large-scale events do not occur that modify the ebb situation, the scenarios 
will be increasingly difficult for combative alternatives in the very short term. 
That is why it will be necessary to fight from inch to inch, house to house, 
street to street, fighting on two fronts: the clerical-military-bourgeois 
reaction, this proto-fascism, and lulopetismo in its versions of degenerate and 
"renewed" reformism. .

It is necessary to create the objective and subjective conditions for the 
outbreak, in the long term, of a revolutionary situation in Brazil. For this, we 
need to advance in the massification of revolutionary unionism in the countryside 
and in the slums and peripheries, having the exact notion that we do not have a 
democracy to defend, but a tyranny to fight, either with a red stick, or with a 
green and yellow stick.

FASCISM IS FIGHTED IN THE STREETS

BUILD THE PEOPLE CONGRESS AND MUTUAL HELP POLICIES!

REBUILD REVOLUTIONARY SYNDICALISM!

BUILD THE SOCIAL REVOLUTION IN BRAZIL!

 ONLY THE PEOPLE SAVE THE PEOPLE! ANARCHISM IS FIGHT! FORWARD BAKUNINISM

[1]On the rise of Bolsonarism and the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff, see the 
UNIPA communiqués: "Lulismo and the Crisis of Brazilian Capitalism: Only Direct 
Action Can Defeat the Reactionary Offensive and the Illusions of Reformism", 
issue 59, March 2018, and The Poverty of Social Democracy and the Rise of Fascism 
in Brazil, number 61, January 2019.

[2]Communiqué nº 76 of the Popular Anarchist Union - UNIPA, April 29, 2021.

[3]Data available at: 
https://www.camara.leg.br/noticias/911504-pl-desponta-como-maior-bancada-da-camara-seguido-pela-federacao-liderada-pelo-pt/

[4]DIAP, Informal Benches in Congress. Available at 
https://www.diap.org.br/images/stories/bancadas_informais_congresso_2023_2027.pdf

[5]See "We live on the edge of the bullet", Agência Pública, available at 
https://apublica.org/2022/08/vivemos-na-ponta-da-bala-2022-ja-superou-as-mortes-no 
-field-in-comparison-to-2020/

[6]VII CONUNIPA: "The new wave of colonization develops in Brazil from the 21st 
century through the structures of dependent capitalist development and a 
structure of internal colonialism" (UNIPA, 2019), available at 
https://uniaoanarquista .wordpress.com/congressos/vii-conunipa-2019/

[7]The dollarization of Brazilian fuel that is within the scope of the location 
of Brazil in the International Division of Labor as we have pointed out in 
analyzes since 2011. See OPAR and UNIPA. International Platform of Revolutionary 
Anarchism, 2011. Available at 
https://uniaoanarquista.files.wordpress.com/2012/12/par-ptbr-1c2aaerrata.pdf

[8]On the war in Ukraine, see Communiqué n° 77 of the Popular Anarchist Union - 
UNIPA, 01/03/2022.

[9]We understand lulopetismo is the ideology of Brazilian social democratic 
reformism in its most advanced state of political degeneration. It is based on 
the reconciliation of classes based on the figure of Lula, built on the basis of 
party, union and social movement organizations (especially CUT, CTB, UNE and MST) 
which economically benefited the working aristocracy, a portion of technocracy 
and a petty bourgeoisie dependent on the state. Expression of the 
social-democratic policy directed by the CUT-PT, mainly from the ABC Paulista 
Metallurgical Union. The very constitution of the PT governments (2003-2016) was 
a macroeconomic continuation of previous neoliberal governments and their police 
state was an evolution of the negotiated transaction between "dictatorship and 
democracy".

[10]Bakunin, Letter to the newspaper La Liberte , from Brussels, Zurich, October 
5, 1872.

[11]Bakunin, Universal Alliance of Social Democracy, Russian Section. To Russian 
Youth, March 1870. Banunin Vive Magazine, Bakunin Archive, n. 1, September, 2021.

[12]"Joint Note to the Military Commands - To the Brazilian Institutions and 
People", November 11, 2022, available at 
https://www.acidadeon.com/saocarlos/politica/Em-nota-conjunta-Forcas-Armadas- 
criticize -excesses-in-manifestations-20221111-0004.html .

[13]The watchword of the extreme right-wing Catholic movement Tradition, Family 
and Property, which was one of the main social foundations of the 1964 coup.

[14]In our communiqués numbers 69 and 76 we present the difficulties of the 
extreme right in constituting a centralized party-movement, considering the 
ethnic-national and class reality of a peripheral country like Brazil.

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