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(en) Italy, FDCA - Il Cantiere #10: This is no time for illusions (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

Date Wed, 14 Sep 2022 10:58:10 +0300


The work to be done is another, to unite our class on concrete objectives of defense of their living conditions, to support and guide it in the slow process of its emancipation. - Alternativa Libertaria / FdCA ---- Analyzing with attention and patience what is the "theater" of Italian politics, what Karl Marx was saying in 1852 comes to mind, which we quote even at the cost of appearing repetitive: ---- " And they must have been struck by that particular disease that has raged throughout the continent since 1848, "parliamentary cretinism", a disease that relegates those affected to an imaginary world and takes away any sense, any memory, any understanding of rough outer world ". ---- For completeness and relevance with the national political affair we also add what Marx was always writing in 1852: ---- "Hegel notes in a passage of his works that all the great facts and great characters of universal history present themselves for so to say twice. He forgot to add: the first time as a tragedy, the second as a farce. "
We continue to repeat, for those who consider these considerations reductive, that analyzing the subjective characteristics of the current political framework, we are faced with its extreme poverty despite all its redundancy: variegated, noisy and improbable alliances replicated in profusion, sometimes characterized by extreme quarrels that, together with widespread personal ambitions, undermine its credibility; electoral campaigns where probable majorities are announced and in any case overrated as minorities on the other hand, in the frame of prognostics that should "make history", but which open the doors to widespread and interested arrogance, in which there is room for any propaganda dissertation and unrealistic, aimed at the classes and social strata of reference to ingratiate themselves with their consents.
"The ballot boxes are calling": the media amplify proclamations that artfully diverge the differences and antagonisms between the most representative political forces when, on the other hand, all these are placed in the articulated context of the alignments of the ruling class and in its contradictory social configurations, policies and institutions, which see the conflict between large and small capital and between small and large bourgeoisie widening in Italy, which fails to give itself a solid political representation in the context of the intensification of imperialist competition between powers for control of the world market in one scenario of generalized crisis which, with the conflict in Ukraine, has exported the war also to Europe, crushing the European Union in a univocal subordination to US imperialism, with all the consequences of the case.
It must also be considered that the flourishing replication of these dynamics has infected, from election to election, entire layers of our class so that vast militant areas at the stroke of each new electoral deadline suffer "the call of the forest", proving incapable of a critical and self-critical reflection of the political and parliamentary paths already undertaken previously, however ineffectively.
With regard to the forces of the so-called radical left that are engaging in the next electoral deadline, it must be said, in not false respect for the choices of others and for the commitment of others, that coherence in pursuing the program that a political force is gives, together with the other subjective implications such as the will, the credibility, the determination of its management team and the people who represent it together with the programs pursued, are all important characteristics but which alone are not enough to give concreteness and effectiveness to a political proposal overall. Moreover, ancient and recent history demonstrates that the genuineness of the political intent and the class program is not enough to confer practicability on the objectives that are intended to be pursued in the parliamentary field.
Practicability and effectiveness depend above all on the ability to affect the social relations that really exist, that is, by schematizing the relations between capital and labor, building that social rootedness in our class which, even in the case of the radical left with a parliamentary vocation, evidently lacks.

If this is the context, which is articulated in a situation of crisis in which capital launches an unprecedented attack on the living conditions of the lower classes, the institutional and parliamentary choice, albeit defensive and declined in a tactical sense, does not prove suitable for defense of the material conditions of our class and the pursuit of its unity, especially in this phase of decline of bourgeois democracy and its supporting institutions, consequent to the great processes of restructuring that have redefined the capitalist and imperialist world order, exacerbating its contradictions and conflicts, resulting from the concentration in a few uncontrollable areas of decision-making processes once typical of individual states and their institutions.
We would then like to try to clarify another important aspect. Many electricians and many voters, as well as numerous comrades and comrades of the political, trade union and class left, fear the fascist danger in their opinion mainly represented by "Brothers of Italy" (FdI) which, at least in the polls, is running as first national party, part of an alignment with "Lega", "Forza Italia" and "Noi moderati", which the polls estimate between 45 and 48% and which could even touch, if not achieve, the majority of 2 / 3 of the parliamentary seats and thus give way to the modification of the constitution, in a scenario that the collective imagination leads back to the seizure of power by Mussolini on October 31, 1922, immediately following "the march on Rome".
Today the contexts are evidently different and we believe it is appropriate to warn with respect to these simplifications which, electoral deadline after election deadline, fear fascism around every corner, often artfully confusing it with the alarming authoritarian slip inherent in the soft underbelly of bourgeois democracy. , according to a historical trend already underway and not only in Italy.
We recall in this regard that it was precisely the concertative majorities, hoped for, represented and / or supported by political groups

of the historical left first, of the "center left" then and together with trade union reformism to undertake choices, paths and measures that, decade after decade, have heavily discredited and attacked not only the living conditions of our class and its historical achievements, creating the best social preconditions for the current political disarray, but also the institutional contents of the same bourgeois democracy provided for by the constitution, which evidently was not enough to be "the most beautiful in the world", to effectively resist the devastating dynamics of capitalist restructuring and the consequent " neoliberalism ", which contracted and impoverished it: but this was possible precisely as a direct consequence of the progressively defeat suffered by our class, which" the most beautiful constitution in the world "was unable and unable to prevent.
The constitution launched on December 27, 1947, if considered in the context of the class conflict and the events that characterized it from the Second World War onwards, is and remains a declaration of principles which, in themselves, guarantee absolutely nothing, like the other bourgeois institutions deriving from it, on the other hand.
And fascism is something else: an extreme card that at this moment capital has no intention of playing.
The newly created "Sovereign and Popular Italy" list deserves a separate mention, expression of a sovereign movement, red-brown and no vax, which if it does not have great hopes of overcoming any threshold, however small, represents the closing of the circle ( parliamentary) for people like Grimaldi and Rizzo, finally lined up, as good Stalinists, with right-wing fascists and populists with whom they have long shared decidedly embarrassing positions.
We know, however, that against fascism and populist, nationalist and racist drifts, elections are of little or nothing, while political and cultural garrison is necessary, as well as historical, basic activity and the reconstruction of a fabric. social

that gives space to the practical claim of rights and to the construction and defense of struggles, increasingly under the attack of repression and repressive legislation, never questioned.

The ability to achieve achievements, including progressive and increasing ones, which really strengthen the living conditions and therefore the unity of the lower classes, of the weak and less represented social sectors for the pursuit and realization of the requests for collective and individual freedom and emancipation , depends not on the best intentions written in bourgeois constitutions or enunciated in electoral programs or in parliaments, but on the ability of our class to effectively affect the social conflict between capital and labor, shifting the balance of forces that currently tend to totally disadvantage it. last, to put it in all clarity.
A united class, capable of pursuing its own material interests in an organized and self-managing dimension, is a general class which, by liberating itself, also frees all of humanity from the slavery of wage labor, from the necessity of profit, from its consequent devastation and from institutions. state and oppressive that protect and strengthen them.
We then add with equal clarity that it is not a time for illusions: it will not be a political program, albeit clear, well defined and aimed at seeking electoral consensus, to reverse the trend.
The work to be done is another, and it is a slow and patient work of reconstruction of a conscious and organized militant fabric, capable of uniting our class on concrete objectives in defense of its living conditions, to support it and guide it in the slow process of his emancipation.
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