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(en) Chile, die plattform: Chilean Anarchist Declaration: "No Constitution Will End Rule!" (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

Date Fri, 9 Sep 2022 10:14:07 +0300

After a massive social uprising that shook the prevailing neoliberal order in Chile almost three years ago, the Latin American country is about to hold a referendum on a new constitution. Its advocates believe that the new constitution can finally enforce the demands of the streets and praise the constitutional process as a masterpiece of modern democracy and participation. That this is not the case is shown by a statement issued by the Anarchist Federation of Satiago ( FAS) recently released. In their text, they call the constituent process what it really is: the renewal of capitalist exploitation of the wage-earning class and colonial oppression of Chile's indigenous communities. We have translated the comrades' statement because it refutes the lies of reformism and is vivid testimony against reformism and opportunism. It remains true: the only way to liberate the salaried class is through direct action and organization! For the establishment of countervailing power from below!

When translating, we closely followed the original wording. It should be noted that the term "Volk" - as a translation of "pueblo" (in Spanish) or "povo" (in Portuguese) - has a different meaning in Latin American anarchism than we are used to in German-speaking countries. Organized Latin American anarchism understands and uses "the people" as a collective term for all the oppressed in society, for everyone who has an objective interest in overcoming the prevailing conditions and not as a nationalist and racist mechanism of exclusion. The text should be read with this note in mind.
The original can be found here on the FAS Facebook page .

Position paper in view of the constitutional referendum on 4 September

From our political organization we understand that the fundamental questions of the class struggle cannot be solved in a legal-institutional framework. Therefore, no constitution will solve the problems affecting our class and it is no progress in building our emancipation. That is why we refer to this process as the renewal of state power. In the face of an apparent crisis of the "Pacto Social" (1) imposed on us in the post-dictatorship transition (2), this process aims to re-energize the system of domination. That is why we refer to it as "Proceso Restituyente" (3). In short, the task of the Conventions (4) was to update the framework of our oppression and exploitation to affirm our submission to the ruling class.

The text that emerged from the Convención left a large part of its content to the laws and regulations to be passed by the Congress (5). This means that the reformism that emerges strengthened from this process will present a constitutional proposal with decisions and principles, but the final content and implementation of which will depend on Congress. This will once again lead us into the vicious circle of clientelism (6) and blackmail, in which the parties campaigning for approval of the new constitution will urge the people to vote for it, with the promise that now at last the longed-for one will be would come. And as if that wasn't enough, the Party of Order (7) has already agreed to amend the now-proposed constitution if they win the upcoming elections.

We believe that overcoming the constitution of dictatorship and its legacy will allow improving the conditions for class struggle. However, we are aware that it is just a symbol full of fine print, which in itself does not guarantee a dignified life for our communities, since the pillars of Pinochetism (8) and conservatism are not only enshrined in the Constitution, but inherent in the economic and social system, which cannot be brought down with a vote. This system can only be overcome by the ability of organizations from below to struggle to build the new world that we carry in our hearts. However, various social and political organizations have used the banners of direct action that were raised during the Social Revolt, left and even became part of the government of Gabriel Boric (9). In this way, organizations that once sought a radical change in our lives and strengthened the struggle and protagonism of the people (10) have adopted the political theses of reformism, aimed at countering neoliberalism through democratic opening and the building of a new kind to face by state. This has led them to focus all their organizing and fighting efforts on the electoral process, abandoning work to strengthen organizing from below. adopted the political theses of reformism aimed at countering neoliberalism through democratic opening and the construction of a new type of state. This has led them to focus all their organizing and fighting efforts on the electoral process, abandoning work to strengthen organizing from below. adopted the political theses of reformism aimed at countering neoliberalism through democratic opening and the construction of a new type of state. This has led them to focus all their organizing and fighting efforts on the electoral process, abandoning work to strengthen organizing from below.

So on September 4th, for those in power, it is a question of turning the tide and leaving behind the social revolt: this is the bet of the Party of Order, which puts us in a complex post-referendum scenario; the emptying of the streets and the end of the popular protests are consolidated in order to focus efforts on the implementation of the constitution and the takeover of the institutions. For us, this is a grave mistake, since building a combative and politically autonomous social force, our two main tools for opening scenarios of open class struggle, would be lost. Such a political context, risky though it may be, allows us to win a supposed tactical victory, such as the collapse of the dictatorship's constitution,

Finally, in the face of electoral opportunism and the pacification of social conflict, which only benefited progressivism (11), a kind of "post-revolt depression" developed, in which not dignity but apparently resignation became the habit (12) . For the above reasons, we do not want to repeat a position that we have made clear since 2019 regarding the renewal process, but rather focus on presenting a reflection and an appeal to social and organized anarchism: we believe that after the Having experienced an intensification of the class struggle since the revolt, it is unbearable that we continue to go in circles. There is no point in clinging religiously to ideological principles, especially when the reality is immensely complex and contradictory. Therefore we must dare, we must be uncomfortable, we must destroy sectarianism, we must leave obscurity and contribute to the consolidation of a genuine revolutionary project. Otherwise we will continue to uphold positions that contribute little and nothing to the emancipation of our class.

We believe that it is necessary to reactivate popular organization and protest, rejecting the siren songs of the institutions and questioning the faint-hearted attitude of those who prefer to remain silent in the face of grievances and injustices in order to "repel the tried and tested to protect". Our path is one of struggle, not reconciliation, we are committed to conflict, but without a concrete political project it will be no more than an empty slogan. Therefore, our proposal is the strengthening of social organizations and neighborhood self-government with the perspective of rupture (13) for the construction of self-governing revolutionary power, which is nothing other than the skills and forces necessary


1: This term describes the informal so-called "social contract" in Chile, which is intended to regulate the constructive cooperation of all parts of society.
2: The old constitution that is still in force is a product of the transition process of the 1990s, in which the ruling class transformed Chile from the era of right-wing Pinochet military dictatorship to bourgeois democracy. "Their" constitution was simply imposed on the people in this phase without any rights of co-determination.
3: This term alludes to the "proceso constituyente", which is used in Chile to describe the constitutional process, at the end of which the referendum is supposed to stand.
4: This refers to the Constituent Assembly that drafted the new constitution. The representatives were elected after a first referendum in May 2021.
5: This refers to the Chilean Parliament.
6: Clientelism is intended here to describe the reality within the political class, in which the alleged representatives of the people coordinate among themselves and in reality do more for themselves than for those who elected them.
7: This term is intended to express that all parties that have maintained and deepened the existing order of neoliberalism in Chile over the past 30 years are in fact one party. The party of the (ruling) order.
8: This refers to the ideology and system of rule of the Pinochet era.
9: Boric has been Chile's new, left-leaning president since March 2022. In interviews, he kept talking about his political past in the left-wing student movement.
10: What is meant here is a state in which the great mass of people themselves lead the fight from below, i.e. are the protagonists of their own liberation. It is a central theoretical element in Especifismo.
11: Latin American anarchists call progressivist that part of the political class that presents itself as a force for social progress, but only continues to maintain oppression. In Germany one would probably speak of left-wing liberals. Boric's election victory is an expression of this strengthening of progressivism.
12: That "dignity should become habit" was one of the central slogans of the revolt.
13: The rupture ("ruptura") is another central theoretical element of Especifismo. This assumes that it is crucial that the anarchists participate in everyday social struggles, but align them with the revolutionary break with the ruling order by agitating and building structures according to this idea.

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