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(en) Greece, land & freedom: State repression and restructuring 3rd Liberty Festival [Traduction automatique]

Date Thu, 5 Aug 2021 10:12:19 +0300


On the second day of the 3rd Liberal Festival of Social, Class and International Solidarity of the Anarchist Political Organization, which took place on July 9-10-11 at the University of Zografou, the event entitled "State and Capitalist Barbarism or Social Revolution" took place. "10 years of struggle against the intensification of restructuring and the escalation of state repression." This event attempted and highlighted various aspects of state and capitalist restructuring that are escalating in recent years, especially after the uprising of December '08 in the Greek state formation, as well as the development of social and class resistance to attack on state and capital. Comrade G. participated in the event. Kafkas who shared with us what happened during the murderous attack of the MAT in the strike demonstration of May 11, 2011 and with his valuable contribution highlighted the role of brutal repression and terrorism in crushing social and class resistance. Comrades for restructuring at work and education were also placed. Arrested from the anti-fascist-anti-government march on November 1 in Galatsi, which was savagely beaten by the police forces, as well as squatting comrades were set up for the continuous targeting and attacks against the squatters and the squatters. .

Below you will find the presentation of the comrades of the Anarchist Political Organization

State and capitalist barbarism or Social Revolution
10 years of struggle against the intensification of restructuring and the intensification of state repression

Companions,

Welcome to the 3rd Liberal Festival of Social, Class and International Solidarity organized by the Anarchist Political Organization | Federation of Collectivities.
G. Kafkas will take part in the following event entitled "State and capitalist barbarism or Social Revolution: 10 years of struggle against the intensification of restructuring and the escalation of state repression" - and we thank him very much for his presence here today - where received the murderous attack of the uniformed battalions on May 11, 2011, during the period of major mobilizations of 2010-2012.
The event will also feature comrades who will illuminate points and fields of this long period, which we schematically describe with 10 years. From the violent transformation of the conditions of exploitation and the intensification of labor, the state repression and the parastatal attacks on the squatters and the self-organized battlefields, to the reduction of the demonstrations and the savage attacks on fighters in the last year.

The degenerate world of the state and capitalism has nothing to promise but barbarism.

In an environment where the devastating effects of the system on our nature and lives were already evident, a system that condemns millions to death from starvation, disease and military operations, covid-19 disease erupts. Its spread worldwide showed in the most obvious way the barbarity of the state and capitalist system.
The pandemic acted as an accelerator of the overall systemic crisis (crisis in economic, political, value and environmental level) - which is a structural element of the system and is caused by the very contradictions of its operation and its demands for full control of societies - that is, it accelerated the aggressive realignment of sovereignty aimed at changing the conditions of social and class competition for the worse for the exploited and oppressed.
Thus, the deadly disease, which has resulted in more than 4 million deaths to date, is being used as a tool of anti-social enforcement in order to implement faster and harder conditions the restructuring in all areas of social and class reality aiming at reproduction. expansion and perpetuation of sovereignty and the maximization of its profits, as well as to the extent of the power of the oppressors, for the subjugation of society. While, due to its inability to produce a comprehensive and coherent vision of society, at a time when it is condemning growing sections of society to poverty and misery, it is simultaneously preparing for the eruptions of growing social discontent and attacking with increasing ferocity every social and class acquis,
In Greece, the direction towards the imposition of modern totalitarianism, on the basis of which the neo-liberal far-right government of the Republic of N. Because if the right today seems capable of imposing the hegemony of neoliberalism and extending its policy of attacking the workers, the unemployed and all from below, it is because of the previous political management, the government of the Social Democrats in the name of the radical left. crushed the movements, he spread illusions and illusions in large social sections only to put another brick in the edifice of modern totalitarianism and to further consolidate the notion that nothing can change. Because its main goal was to restore the image and prestige of the institutions and the socially discredited system of power and through the triptych of national unity, class cooperation, social peace to neutralize social and class resistance.
Social and class resistances that developed during the period of the memoranda of cooperation, and produced large and massive events that turned against the restructuring policies of the Greek state, against capital and supranational formations (EU, IMF, EC, T). Meanwhile, the diffusion of anarchist and libertarian dictatorships after the 2008 uprising had resulted in the creation and strengthening of a number of void struggle structures, neighborhood assemblies, grassroots unions and the strengthening of the perception that the oppressed could take their lives into their own hands. The threat of a general uprising, and so close to the social uprising of 2008, in an environment of political instability,
But a key dimension that gave perspective in this direction was that the movements themselves were faced with their limits and impasses and not being able to expand the proposals and generalize the struggles to organize the social and class counterattack began to retreat. . The gap left by the retreat was filled by the traders of hope, who until then were moving on the fringes of the games and whispering their proposed institutional solutions.
Another important parameter was that in an environment of generalized crisis and disenfranchisement of the system, where social outrage expanded, as the possibilities for radicalization of sections of society developed, so much emphasis and social cannibalism were cultivated. Thus, both a few years before the 2008 uprising and in the years that followed, along with the intensification of state repression, the neo-Nazi raiding battalions were further rewarded, and now the ATHEX, which represented a political body, now appeared in public. the most extreme appearance of the system. So on the side of the state repressive policy that tried to terrorize the protesters and spread fear in the society, something that was expressed with the big repressive operation to evacuate the squatters in 2012-2013, The paramilitary strike groups also acted as a counter-revolutionary reserve of the system, with attacks on strikers, pogroms against immigrants and attacks on squatters and battlefields, against anarchists, militants / thugs who were the ones who fought incessantly in the center and neighborhoods against the fascist blaze. The culmination of the parastatal action of that period was the assassination of S. Lukman in January 2013 and the anti-fascist P. Fyssas in September of the same year. The pervasive social outrage, the healthy reflexes of society that took her out on the streets en masse, again fueled the fear in power of the possibility of generalizing social anger. So in order to relieve it, but also to show the state itself the guarantor of social normalcy, led its parastate crutch,
The development of SYRIZA in the government, after the elections of January 2015, was largely based on the seizure and assimilation of a series of dynamic and mass struggles that preceded the period 2010-2012, the exploitation of the blows received from the repression, the emergence of fascism and the cultivation of defeatism and passivity within the struggling social sections so that resentment and anger can be channeled into the harmless choice of the ballot box.
The political and ideological capital of the "anti-memorandum" discourse was the field of detachment of the social consensus of the left government in terms of assignment. It is important to stress that when we talk about the political-ideological capital of "anti-memorandum speech" we are essentially referring to the dominant position that interprets the emergence of memorandum policies as a result and expression, not of the intensity of capitalist and state restructuring, but of a foreign from outside economic policy. It turns out that all these individual ideological dipoles that the left sets up as a whole,
The shift of society from the street and self-organization to the polls, to assignment and mediation gave a key blow to the struggle itself.
The 4 years of governing the social democratic version of modern totalitarianism - as it was partially renewed at the level of political staff under the acronym of SYRIZA - made it clear that this formation, as was entirely expected for those who do not have illusions, did what went hand in hand to: to stabilize capitalist normality, that is, the profitability and exorcism of workers, to re-legitimize political and state institutions, to deepen the country's participation in the belligerent plans of the imperialist centers and especially the USA, to promote nationalism, to cultivate intolerance and racism, by setting up concentration camps, deporting and repatriating refugees,to evacuate struggle squatters - to mobilize the parastatal mechanisms in the same direction - as happened with the arson of the Libertatia squatting in Thessaloniki during the nationalist rally on 21-1 2018 and to hit the sidewalk with surgical precision the most disobedient pieces of fighters who never lost the "radical" tale he tried to sell.
The previous years are full of restructuring policies and the intensification of state repression in the direction of transformation of the whole society. But the brutality of the restructuring and looting of every field of human activity today is unprecedented, as is their terror in the face of a fiercer conflict between a ruthless, revolutionary and better-organized social and class movement with power.
The authorities today are trying to erase the imprints of decades of hard social and class struggles. They want to erase the traces of the Polytechnic uprising, the student squatters of 1991, the great anti-war demonstrations of 2002-03, the student mobilizations of 2006-07, the social and class uprising of December '08 and the great mobilizations of '10 - '12 because they function as examples of resistance, because they show ways of struggle to the oppressed today.
At the same time, the social and class uprising of December highlighted the limits of the forms of organization of the anarchist-anti-authoritarian movement. The existing formations, although necessary in the struggle, could not and could not, due to their form, set bigger goals than to be reference points within the uprising. Forms that worked positively for the political grafting of the uprising on the principles and values of solidarity and self-organization, but have not been made to turn the uprising into a revolutionary process. It is this point, in the account of the uprising, in the possibilities that it gave birth to and was not fulfilled, where the idea of necessity for the anarchist political organization is born. The Anarchist Political Organization is a child of December and the great mobilizations of 2010-12 - with the possibilities and the limits it showed - and the historical legacy of the anarchist movement in Spain in the first half of the 20th century. The CNT-FAI liberation movement that through hard struggles, uprisings and especially the class, social, political organization managed to implement the idea of the general overthrow of the state and capitalism and to develop social self-government.
In the years following the December uprising, the objective condition of the decline of the state and capitalist empire intensified. Due to real weaknesses (ideological and organizational), but also the insurmountable need of the state and capitalist machine not to be disorganized in a spiral of decay amid generalized social discontent, the subjective ability of the oppressed to defend themselves against the oppressed perception that the faltering empire is a fighter. With the propaganda but also the increase of the rates of violence, with the reformist delusions but also the repressive shielding, with the ideological attack and the cooperation of the whole bourgeois world for the restraint of the unruly,
The suffocating repressive presence, the sharpened demands of wage labor, the spread of racism but also the aggressive attempt to culturally reshape the social base want to break the bonds of community among the oppressed, shattering the metropolitan area into a dystopian ruined check. points and production and consumption areas. The repressive forces and the political staffs that govern them, even if they are not fully aware of their own movement, nevertheless consistently carry out the purposes of the edifice they serve. A building that operates as uniformly as possible, especially against the internal enemy that is the prelude to its destruction.
The doctrine of "zero tolerance" is being upgraded to a single Preventive Counterinsurgency strategy, at the same time that the covid-19 pandemic is operating as a turning point in history. On the one hand, thousands more people are facing unemployment, living in poverty, while others, fearing dismissal, are being held hostage to the new and more burdensome conditions of exploitation and intensification of work imposed on them by their bosses. On the other hand, social and class struggles are banned and the militants - who themselves know best the need to protect their neighbors and themselves and do so - are beaten and persecuted, with typical examples of the brutal suppression of the anti-fascist rally in Galatsi on the 1st November, with the beating, torture and arrests of militants, the total ban on gatherings on the days of the Polytechnic, the day of the general strike on November 26 and December 6 (the day of the assassination of A. Grigoropoulos), the camping in the city center of an occupying police army and the sweeping attack on all those who challenged the demands of power. Under the pretext of the real danger of the pandemic, the state launches its savage repressive attack on those who fight for health, life and freedom against the conditions of poverty and subjugation, making it clear that the bans have political characteristics only, while at the same time seeking to impose conditions of fear to sink into silence any lurking social explosion. the total ban on gatherings on the days of the Polytechnic, the day of the general strike on November 26 and December 6 (the day of the assassination of A. Grigoropoulos), the camping in the city center of an occupying army army and the sweeping attack of all those who questioned power. Under the pretext of the real danger of the pandemic, the state launches its savage repressive attack on those who fight for health, life and freedom against the conditions of poverty and subjugation, making it clear that the bans have political characteristics only, while at the same time seeking to impose conditions of fear to sink into silence any lurking social explosion. the total ban on gatherings on the days of the Polytechnic, the day of the general strike on November 26 and December 6 (the day of the assassination of A. Grigoropoulos), the camping in the city center of an occupying army army and the sweeping attack of all those who questioned power. Under the pretext of the real danger of the pandemic, the state launches its savage repressive attack on those who fight for health, life and freedom against the conditions of poverty and subjugation, making it clear that the bans have political characteristics only, while at the same time seeking to impose conditions of fear to sink into silence any lurking social explosion. on the day of the general strike on November 26 and December 6 (the day of the assassination of A. Grigoropoulos), the camping in the city center of an occupying police army and the sweeping attack of all those who challenged the demands of the government. Under the pretext of the real danger of the pandemic, the state launches its savage repressive attack on those who fight for health, life and freedom against the conditions of poverty and subjugation, making it clear that the bans have political characteristics only, while at the same time seeking to impose conditions of fear to sink into silence any lurking social explosion. on the day of the general strike on November 26 and December 6 (the day of the assassination of A. Grigoropoulos), the camping in the city center of an occupying police army and the sweeping attack of all those who challenged the demands of the government. Under the pretext of the real danger of the pandemic, the state launches its savage repressive attack on those who fight for health, life and freedom against the conditions of poverty and subjugation, making it clear that the bans have political characteristics only, while at the same time seeking to impose conditions of fear to sink into silence any lurking social explosion.
For us, no end to history has occurred, only the vulgarity of power has been stripped, which is no longer embellished but overthrown through struggle. In the neighborhoods we must form even more strongly structures of solidarity and mutual support, in the workplace there is an even greater need to join radical radical grassroots groups, in the face of the existing trade union bureaucracy. In social struggles to upgrade the contents, to compose the outbursts, to organize the action. To trace the transition to new examples of collective production, constantly putting into practice the top issue of property that no government can justify. To ignite the perception of rejection of the political system as a whole,
In the face of the organized attack of the state and capital, the only solution lies in the organization of the struggle of the oppressed and the exploited. Through unmediated anti-hierarchical and relentless struggles from below, we can go on the counterattack against exploitation and oppression, to fight for social revolution. To rebuild life with the basic components of social solidarity, cooperation, without bosses and slaves.
To make tangible reality the generalized social Self-Government, to summarize the political freedom and the economic equality in the modern revolutionary program. For a freedom movement of all the exploited and the oppressed that will give way to the real needs.
Because history, all the apologists of state power and capitalism tell us, has certainly been exhausted. That is, the process that is processed in denial, that challenges the dominant reason for the past, for the present and its action envisions a different future, this History that will overturn what was until now known and written as history, this the act that is born and develops in the daily struggle of the oppressed in all the lengths and breadths of the world, this Hypothesis because it comes from the future and can sweep the past, set fire to the present, it they want to end - at last.
And this act that gives birth to our History, no matter how much they tried to bury its name forever with a thousand theories, it emerges even under the most adverse conditions. Through the darkness of modern totalitarianism he will say again: "I was, I am, I will be the

REVOLUTION, the WORLD SOCIAL REVOLUTION".

https://landandfreedom.gr/el/agones/454-kratiki-katastoli-kai-anadiarthroseis-eisigisi-apo-3o-eleftheriako-festival
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