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(en) Santiago Anarchist Federation: Opinion letter June 2021. (ca, de, it, pt)[machine translation]

Date Sun, 20 Jun 2021 10:09:08 +0300

Strengthening popular leadership, to overflow the restitution process. ---- During the last weeks the electoral agenda has taken the situation. The elections held between May 15 and 16, where only 43% of the electoral roll voted (6,458,760 people out of a total of 14,900,190), have been the recurring theme. As a result of this election, various analyzes have been raised: triumphalist, defeatist, and opportunist. ---- For us, this election shows, in the first place, the widespread discredit towards the political parties that have administered state power in recent decades. The setback that occurred in the traditional right and the ex-consensus regarding the constituent voting is a clear example of this reality, where their meager results do not allow them to control a third of the Constituent Convention, preventing them a priori from the possibility of a veto.
On the other hand, the Communist Party (PC) and the Broad Front (FA) have claimed victory in this electoral process, pointing out that there is a process of "left-wing" in society. Notwithstanding that, their electoral numbers regarding the constitutional are not very different with respect to the last parliamentary election of 2017, where both forces (separately at that time) reached similar elected candidates as in the recent election.
In addition, such a process of "left" does not exist as they propose it, rather the electorate represents with this vote a will for changes, by ratifying that these will not come through the path of the right and the center-left. The vote, therefore, is directed at the social democratic forces as a manifestation of those possible transformations.
Nor can we consider the political parties that have managed the agreed transition for dead. Although their electoral numbers are in decline, their power extends beyond the electoral, with clear links with businessmen (the five families), unions (such as truck drivers), drug trafficking groups (as in the San Ramón commune), sectors of the Armed Forces and paramilitary groups, etc.
The real surprise of the elections have been the self-styled "independent" candidates, especially "The People's List", from which 26 constituents were elected, generating a real earthquake in institutional politics. According to our vision, this "independent" phenomenon corresponds more to a project that is articulated around identity concepts, rather than to a programmatic effort of the oppressed class. That is to say, here it is represented: the rejection of the political parties and the urgent need for changes, but not a set of demands that arise from the articulation of the communities in struggle. Therefore, the possibility of caudillismo, personalism and authoritarian practices are likely in these groups.
In short, we recognize that in this electoral bloc there are people of our class, who were in the street and at the barricade. However, one of our criticisms goes to the programmatic issue, where the majority of the candidacies are raised rather based on agendas and personal struggles of each candidate, and that from a process of interrelation and collective construction of protest lines. . Of course, we saw in recent weeks that this process is just beginning in this bloc, which despite not being defined within the concept of "political party" is already acting as such.
Although we understand that the electoral issue is a necessary element to analyze, our concerns and paths also go down another path. We have seen how this entire Restitution Process and the Pandemic have hindered the development of social protest, and as punishment has made our class cornered between poverty, debt and artificial respirators, generating an uncomfortable silence.
We understand the Social Revolt that began in October 2019 not as something linear, but rather a contradictory process, of advance and retreat, of offensive and withdrawal. Therefore, in these moments when social protest is weak, we have to recover its presence in the streets, but not in an aesthetic or symbolic sense, but from the strengthening of our popular and territorial organizations, which should increase the levels of dialogue and coordination, in order to build programmatic and tactical agreements, stirred up from mobilization and direct action. What we need as peoples is a plan of struggle of which the revolutionary, anti-capitalist and anti-authoritarian sectors are part, where the liberation of the political prisoners,
Finally, we want to mention the worrying and unsustainable situation of the political prisoners: punishments and transfers, added to the confinement itself, have different comrades in a critical situation. Faced with this, electoral opportunism has emerged, where the candidates of the institutional left have used this problem as a form of legitimation against the oppressed class and to challenge the traditional parties.
We are not surprised that those who used hunger and the death of the pandemic as an electoral springboard, today do so with our prisoners, however this situation should not bury our spirits. It is imperative to insist from popular protest and direct action on the total and unconditional amnesty of our comrades. Therefore, this Thursday, June 17, we call on all communities in struggle to participate from their own capacities, in the mobilization day for the liberation of our political prisoners.
The call is to continue on the path of political autonomy and popular self-organization, strengthening our communities for the struggle and thus advance to territorial control. This call is not born from over-ideologization, but from the material potentialities of our class, made explicit from the Social Revolt but which have been woven since the first struggles for emancipation. Not to decay, to raise spirits, for a plan of struggle and demand that arises from the communities, from the bottom up, and that a dignified life is achieved through protest and popular organization.
Therefore, the strategy of organized anarchism in this context must bet on the construction of a Strong People, directing our militancy to daily base work in unions, neighborhoods, territorial assemblies, socio-environmental groups, among other grassroots organizations, with a methodology that disputes statizing and bureaucratic logic, and that it can put in the foreground of the political scene the resistance program of the oppressed class from a collective protagonism.
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