A-Infos (en) Bulgaria, FAB: Theory: Fascism is not the opposite of democracy but its evolution in times of crisis (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

When all desired forms of reality collapse, the world turns out to be at 
its most hideous, but also at its most insolent: the true structures 
that govern us these days become increasingly visible and clear. When 
the masks fall, we see the frayed skin of the lips, where the words are 
born, the saliva that forms in their wake, and the meaning reduced to 
phlegm thrown at us. ---- What lies between the past and the present? 
Between the past and the present lies everything that has failed. Hence 
the illusion that it is enough to look at what was to understand what is 
now. Of course, in these dark times, in order to better see where we 
stand, we are tempted to redirect the glimmers of the present to the 
past and ask it to answer us. But we are condemned to be today, and this 
is enough to tell us that the most important thing is to get out of it. 
The past has never prevented the present from happening and it happens 
regardless of the lessons we have been taught. No! Looking into the past 
does not help us understand the present, quite the opposite: only the 
present allows us to understand the past. Today's fascists are not the 
same as they were in the past: on their side is the bourgeois bloc that 
swears by the "democratic" order. They have realized that resorting to 
war is futile, that the only war to be waged is against their own 
people, not between one people and another. They are waging a war 
against memory, and that is enough for them: all who are not part of 
that memory will be suspected to be imprisoned and deported and 
forgotten. For the rest, it remains only to continue the great liberal 
work that paves the way for fascism.

The bourgeoisie always chooses fascism when it feels that it is losing 
ground under its feet. Fascism is not the opposite of democracy, but its 
evolution in times of crisis. Of course, there is stubborn hatred 
between conservative forces and reactionaries, but also a natural, 
parasitic symbiosis, like the bacteria in the intestines of animals. 
Neither of them would survive the death of the other, and each lives at 
the expense of the other. In power, conservatives practice "to each 
according to need" for a small number dominating and austerity for 
everyone else - thereby strengthening the reactionaries who demagogue 
with their promises to the disaffected. This dance of two is brutally 
accelerated by the force of circumstances: soon the fascists will be 
presented as the "lesser evil" and everything will be fulfilled.

We must learn from this that the fight against fascism will not go 
without a fight against the very democracy that not only allowed it to 
happen, but nurtured it and even justified it as a means of protection. 
We are assured that the votes are cast for the sole purpose of opposing 
fascism. But the fact that this idea has become a major driver of every 
vote, across the political spectrum, should be enough to convince us 
that if we're losing (in) all elections, it's because the game is set up 
just right for that. And that in the end it is not a twist of fate that 
leads to fascists taking power through the ballot box, but a fatal 
mechanism.

What can we do until then? The question is fraught with pitfalls, as if 
we have the luxury of waiting; then, when "doing" is reduced to choice, 
it is assumed that there is nothing more we can do, or that there is 
nothing to do. But since the situation calls for it, we must fill this 
"doing" with something as much as we can. Between two adversaries, one 
of whom is about to slaughter us and the other is slowly poisoning us, 
we will have to see the account first of the one who holds the dagger. 
Then we will deal with those who promise us that the happy days depend 
on the institution that made fascism possible, nurtured it, and makes it 
inevitable, that it is this institution that makes it possible to guard 
against it, while it is precisely this institution that favors it.

The bad days will not end if we do not end this poison drip, the 
infusion of representative democracy that does not immunize but 
anesthetizes. What needs to be done away with is more than the weak 
actors, the mediocre playwright, the sets and the costumes with the 
ties, it is the play itself, the idea of the play. Let nothing remain of 
the stands and the stage. And to give birth to something else that does 
not yet exist.

It is said that the tragedies in Athens were performed at nightfall, 
because the theater of Dionysius faced the setting sun and the 
spectators saw nothing of the miracle that was happening before their 
eyes, and that the miracle was the spectacle: apparently invisible, but 
whose invisibility it had an effect, a spectacle that made them weep 
with horror, with pity, with the very dazzle that made them mistake the 
prey for the shadow. When it was all over, it was night. They returned 
home, happy that they were sad, not knowing what they had really seen 
and if they had seen anything at all. People still live with the idea, 
with the fantasy, that Athens invented theater and democracy in one fell 
swoop, as if by magic. It is less often said that the tragedy was played 
out with sunshine in its eyes, and that this democracy was founded on 
slavery and war. The point is to turn the theater upside down or reverse 
the direction of the sun.

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