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(en) luta fob: the thesis of the Opposition of Classist Resistance (ORC/FOB) to the VIII Congress of the union (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

Date Wed, 29 Jun 2022 10:00:30 +0300

You have to not be afraid, you have to have the courage to say... - Rondo da Liberdade, Marighella ----1. INTERNATIONAL / NATIONAL CONJUNCTURE ---- The world experiences a Cold War II. Unlike the first, which was a ideological/economic conflict, the Second Cold War is a war for mineral resources and energetic. The two blocs: Sino-Russian and US/EU, despite maintaining among themselves, expanded the neo-extractivist dispute on the periphery of capitalism and strengthen a new wave of colonization and in Brazil, internal colonialism. The war in Ukraine, like other conflicts, it has a common component, the disputes mineral resources and energy infrastructure, but point to an increase in scale of conflict, which is the dispute over areas of economic and military influence. this war in particular accelerated the energy transition process in Europe, summarized in the REpowerUE document.

Several conflicts in the periphery derive from this dispute between the blocks, however, reducing

all these conflicts to just "Hybrid Warfare" or "Color Revolutions" denotes pure

economic/military centralism typical of an uncritical orthodox Marxism, as if the

empires' decisions were determining factors, the argument runs into

reductionism because it abstracts class, social, political, structural and

cyclical. Play fair demonstrations for rights, like the ones that took place in Brazil

in 2013 in the lap of the CIA is all that imperialism needs to get stronger

ideologically on the periphery.

Despite the interstate conflicts, the struggle of peoples grows on the periphery of the

capitalism. A clear example is the revolution carried out in Rojava, in Kurdistan. There,

people's armies composed of men and women expelled DAESH (State

Islamic) on the bullet and accelerated the collectivization of the lands, carrying out a revolution

socialist, feminine and ecological in the Middle East. This revolution is threatened by the

Turkish Neo-Ottomanism and the Russian-US disputes in Syria.

The circumstances are connected through the dismantling of Petrobras, the sale of Lubnor

in Fortaleza as a need for the delivery man Bolsonaro/PL to liquidate the infrapower

Brazilian energy source and hand it over to foreign imperialisms as a way of seeking

support to stay in power or avoid major lawsuits when they fall.

The popular uprising of June 2013 exposed class contradictions and limits

of reformism as politics. The policy presented by almost all organizations

Marxists and Social Democrats, political parties and trade unions was counterrevolutionary.

They aligned themselves with the Government, the Police and the bourgeois media. Your theoretical analysis of reality

was misguided in ignoring the deep class and sociopolitical contradictions that

manifested. LuloPTista governments strengthened the dual labor market,

generating a generational and occupational contradiction. the mass of workers

overexploited and precarious is seen only as a target of compensatory policies, and

not as a protagonist. Hence the contradictions between union and party bureaucracies and

the different sectors mobilized in that popular uprising. No wonder, years before the strikes

in the PAC Mega Works were combative strikes that faced governments,

entrepreneurs and the union bureaucracy.

Lulo Petismo's response was to create a narrative that the June Uprising of

2013 was a US-funded move. Nothing could be more false, but expressed as the

trade union aristocracy interprets social movements: every movement must be

constructed and generated by the bureaucracies in union central meetings, and everything that escapes

to this dynamic, is fought. While the traitor CUT conciliated with the governments in

was LuloPetista, accepting the 2004 pension reform (Lula/PT government) or

formulating the Special Collective Agreement - ACE, flexibilization of labor laws

elaborated by the Metalworkers' Union of ABC/CUT several movements of

neighborhood, student, cultural, politically moved the bases, which in that

moment they no longer identified with the PT. The MPL appears, also born from

dissidents from the Youth Revolution/JP, youth from the current OTrabalho/PT when in

2002/3 fought hard in Florianopolis to defeat the increase in tickets and

nationalized in this first decade, with the emergence of the MPL, which despite its internal confusion,

organizes students around a concrete agenda.

The 2016 parliamentary coup strengthened the clerical-military sector that applied the

a policy of death in Brazil. We have an ongoing social and environmental disaster Ao

If we look at the reactionary Bolsonaro/PSL government, we understand that there are two major

fronts of action: a) on the one hand, he washes his hands and, like a sadist, watched the people be

victimized by Covid-19, thrown into unemployment and informality, suffer from the low

purchasing power and food scarcity and b) acts effectively in the withdrawal of rights

of the workers. Examples are pension, administrative,

dismantling of environmental protection agencies and salary freezes and the

maintenance of the bloodthirsty ceiling of expenses.

The delay in releasing emergency aid worsened living conditions,

increasing the need for exposure of thousands of people having to work

to kill hunger. The naturalization of the death of a thousand people a day was accompanied by

of the movement to reopen trade by the governors, who gave in to pressure from the

business, leading to new waves of contamination and increased deaths.

The scenarios presented are: a) increased degradation in the conditions of

law and work; b) the worsening of the conditions of attendance of the people to the public services

moving quickly towards their privatization; c) the end of job and career plans

(including server stability - which will be harassed a lot); d) naturalization

environmental destruction as a State policy; e) the genocide of poor populations,

indigenous and black women, who are suffering from Covid-19, from food and financial deprivation, from

armed aggression by the state or landowners; f) dismantling and privatization of Petrobras.

We present as flags:

* Free pass now! Lower the rate to zero!

* Immediate release of all political prisoners, with archiving of all

criminal process!

* End of privatizations (health, education, public spaces, environment and

natural resources)!

*All support to the Kurdish people and other peoples fighting for self-determination and


* Down with the state of exception and the fiscal adjustment!

* Immediate break with CUT!


There are those who have a vocation to be a slave, but there are slaves who revolt against


Rondo da Liberdade, Marighella

It is not today that educational policies are being bought, subsidized

by the great international organizations and businessmen in the educational field. Since

In the 1990s, these agents of capital began a process of reformulation and

reorientation of educational policies for third world countries with the aim of

train unskilled workers efficiently, quickly and with minimal

financial expenditure as possible and meet the demands of capital.

To accompany this process of educational transformation reforms were

carried out in the last decades in the educational field and in its different levels of

teaching. We have as an example in the Lula/PT government the huge investment in

of scholarships to private higher institutions such as PROUNI. making the big grow

education trade in the country, transferring public money to the private sector.

Despite being approved by the Temer government in 2017, the BNCC was a policy

provided for in the document "Pátria Educadora" by Dilma/PT, imposingly amending

the content offered for high school that will be based on the BNCC. In the text of the reform

schools will not be obliged to offer all the contents foreseen, emptying of

high school content and deepening educational inequalities in the country. That

reform opens paths for the advancement of distance education (DE) as it allows the

high school offers part of its curriculum in this modality.

In the same way as the High School Reform and the Guidelines Reform

Curriculum for the Pedagogy course, the National Common Curricular Base (BNCC), is

a policy foreseen in the same "Pátria Educadora" of Dilma/PT. Therefore, governments

PT participates in the formulation of these privatist policies!

BNCC provides for 60% of the content to be developed by teachers

obligatorily in the classroom, becoming an imposing document that denies the autonomy

of the teacher. Despite the remaining 40% of the contents being freely chosen by the teacher,

they can be offered via EAD. In EJA, the percentage of distance learning can reach 100%1


In the context of the State of Exception and fiscal adjustment with EC 95 (expenditure ceiling) that

freezes public spending for 20 years, it is obvious that the content offered in distance education will be

applied by private companies that will profit from public money. In the reviews

(homogeneous and marketing assessments) will charge only those

contents imposed by the BNCC, that is, the contents that only serve for the insertion

of young people in the job market with cheap labor. In this way, the BNCC causes

a deep scientific emptying in the teaching process in the classrooms.

BNCC denies the whole idea of curriculum becoming a document

normative, which disregards the teaching process thinking only of the final result.

The form of construction and imposition of these bases still dispenses with the diversity that

we find in the classroom, whether of gender, social condition, level of learning,

corroborating for a homogenizing and technicist education.

When defining the learning to be developed during the phases of education

basic education, the national bases will also influence the guidelines for training courses

of professors in higher education, leading to scientific emptying in the courses of

Pedagogy and other degrees. The BNCC and the other implemented reforms are attacks

direct public education, make precarious and privatize what is the basic right of the people.

These reforms do not take into account the reality of schools and

deep cuts that governments have made for years in education. In addition to inducing

the production of totally decontextualized external evaluations that aim to hide the

structural issues placing the blame for school failure on teachers, students and


The students of the municipal network of Fortaleza have a historical gap

workload in relation to students from the state education network, for example.

Our students have 4h/a per day while students from the state network have 5h/a per day.

day. At the end of one year, the city hall student had a deficit of 200h/a. if this

student remains in the municipal school system from the sixth to the ninth year, the deficit is

800h/a plus the four years of elementary school II, the equivalent of one year of classes

1 Art 10, resolution No. 1 of May 28, 2021



love us. We need to fight for more access to science, understood here as

systematized by humanity. For that, we must fight to reduce the time of the hour

class, from 55 mins to 50 mins, and to increase the time that the elementary school student will spend

be in school, for at least 5h/a, following the same proportionality in the Schools

Full Time.

It is necessary that the unions of education workers, in addition to

fight privatist projects, build an emancipatory education project that

point to the construction of a new, socialist society, without the exploitation of human beings.

human by human being, that respects ethnic/racial plurality and the diversity of


We defend:

* End of Meritocracy!

* Combating the precariousness of work; dual function, versatility and outsourcing. Defense

of the public tender!

* End of external evaluation: evaluations must be discussed by the school community!

* 1 enrollment, 1 school! No discipline with less than 2 beats!

* Design an Education project for schools proposed and prepared by the

SINDIUTE-CE, preceded by conferences and an exclusive education congress for

this end!

* Fight for 50% of teaching hours for planning and activities outside the classroom


* Increase in the workload, from 4h/a to 5h/a daily for elementary II students.

* Against closing classes!

* Reduction in the number of students per class! For the opening of more schools!

* No to School Without Party!

* Free elections and democratic management in all schools of all networks!

* Against the commodification of education!


Don't get on your knees, it's not rational to give up being free. Even the slaves for

vocation must be forced to be free when the shackles are broken.

Rondo of freedom, Marighella.

Balance of strikes AND UNION CONCEPTION

In the city we faced the Ferreira Gomes block and entered 2016 looking for

floor readjustment. We have always pointed out in the assembly that we should not be too fussy with

laws. When the salary floor readjustment is lower than inflation in Fortaleza,

we must claim a higher value than the floor. However, the direction of the Sindiute did not

put the proposal to a vote. Another proposal that we present in a pamphlet and in

interventions in assemblies was that we should build a strike command.

The 2016 and 2017 strikes had a centralist character, where the only

deliberation forum, was the board meeting. The assemblies, in these years, were

merely advisory. The direction of Sindiute (ArtSind/CUT) followed the following script:

1 - management reports; 2 - proposals from the management; 3 - voting; 4 - time to

speakers. The height of undemocratic absurdity, preventing the base from expressing itself with

proposals in the assembly, because when the base managed to express itself, the votes

they had passed. Despite the strength of the strike, part of the category did not join. so the direction

initiated the strategy of asking the "breakthroughs" to stop on negotiation days. Despite

from the intention to expand membership on key days, we created a negative dynamic in the

category and in this, we must do self-criticism because we reinforce this policy. With the

illegality on the coasts, the majority leadership (ArtSind/CUT) forwards the proposal of

suspension of the strike. Part of the category does not agree, the assembly is divided and the

disorganization was so great that not even a badge existed and the strike ended.

The 2017 strike will consolidate the strike-breaking "outages" strategy in

trading day, strengthening a negative dynamic of "participation without joining" where

strikers worked normally and adhered to a strike day on days of

negotiation, putting the strike itself in a complicated situation where part of the strikers

wondered what was needed? A strike or days of stoppage? the basis on

strike started the assemblies with greater demands, which forced the majority

(ArtSind/CUT) to adapt, reaching the point of accepting the proposal of the base, of a

Strike Command. However, a command without real force, merely advisory, without

deliberative power. In this instance, the proposal for the occupation of the SME arises, which will have the

objective of re-oxygenating the strike, however, without success. For obvious reasons we will not cite

who submits the proposal. We left the strike with nothing.

In 2018, we rejected the shameful proposal of the PMF, which was already failing to comply with the

floor law since 2016, the category decides on the strike that is immediately enacted

illegal. Having to deal with the impediment of mobilization activities and

picket at schools. Even so, the teachers decide in assembly for the maintenance

of the strike. The discouraging scenario of the last strike divided the category between those who

fueled the fear of no real gain, and who ended up going back to schools and

those who felt even more instigated to face it.

The realization of zonals elected a strike command with representatives from the base

in their respective districts that even in small numbers managed to oppose

to the centralist measures of the board to demobilize the category with terrorism

misplaced. The teachers once again decided to continue, despite many

have returned to schools. This generated wear and tear in the category that in an assembly

The following day, it decided to suspend it, accepting the PMF's proposal for a readjustment in installments.

2019 marked the first year of the reactionary Bolsonaro/PSL government

maintained a fight schedule with occasional stoppages against the dismantling of the

Education and Pension Reform at national and local level. The mobilization agenda

was very limited to street activities. What in the course of new acts, the

emptying became a constant.

In 2020 the readjustment of the category in the percentage of the teaching floor was the factor of

mobilization at the beginning of the year, which took the category to a standstill for days in the chamber

municipal government that started a readjustment in installments and without retroactive. Despite the percentage of

floor readjustment was higher than in previous years, inflation was also higher. Therefore

the salary floor is still not enough for the appreciation of the category.

Our strikes followed a deflagration ritual with assemblies that did not

guarantee the power of speech to the base before decisions are made, which strengthens the direction

while weakening the base. Base that has been slowly losing its "faith in the struggle"

as an instrument of conquests and victories and adheres to the "complacency" of the stoppage within

of the strike. This whole script strengthens depoliticization, our tormentors and weakens the

power of our category.


The state pension reform exposed the opportunistic sewage that the PT

turned. At the same time that he will campaign for Camilo Santana/PT for the Senate,

when the state pension reform was approved, he stated that this "is not PT

root", relativizing the participation of the legend in the approval of the reform while

PT state deputies voted in favor of the reform following the Bolsonarist primer.


"On May 1, 1980, 130,000 workers gathered at the Vila Euclides Stadium. This time the

support for the strike came from factories and neighborhoods. New forms of action emerged and the

dynamics from the ground up. The Strike Fund, organized outside the

scope of the official union. The neighborhood became a rearguard (with daily support activities) and eight

thousand participated in the Strike Fund." (TIBLE, Jean. Workers' struggles in São Paulo and ABC in the 70s.

COMMON PLACE Nº25-26, pp. 291)

How do we understand a grassroots strike?

We understand that the moment a strike is defined by the assembly of the

category, the next step should be the informal suspension of union leadership while

last the strike and the election of the strike command, a power parallel to that of the union that

makes it difficult for the state bureaucracy to criminalize and illegalize a strike and

our instrument of organization and struggle, the union. It also creates the ability to

renewal at the forefront of the category, re-oxygenating permanent mobilization in practice.

The arguments of those who oppose a strike command in this

model that the strike command is an organism that opposes the board

union, because the union leaders themselves can be voted to compose the

strike command. They did not understand that the Strike Command can be an instrument

for the construction of People's Power.

Revolutionary Syndicalism is the inherited strategy of the Association

Workers' International - AIT (1864-1872/76) and various insurrections and struggles

social around the world. Revolutionary Syndicalism - SR understands that we must

build a new, socialist, non-exploitation society by strengthening the

People Power. But this society does not fall from the sky. It is the task of this congress to approve

structures and instances that strengthen People's Power.

From this SR perspective, strikes are instruments of mobilization and

autonomous organization of the category and following the Syndicalism strategy

Revolutionary it is possible to build popular power to oppose and defeat the

prevailing social and economic structure.

Thus, in the new society, education will be managed by teachers and students.

through its entities; bus routes will be organized by neighborhood associations

and transport workers' union; health by unions and councils

popular and so on, that is, self-management of life, society and the economy.

We know that a revolution doesn't fall from the sky, and that we have to build the new society

since now.

Therefore, we have the task not only of, in this congress, pointing to strategies that

can avoid the withdrawal of rights, but move towards the construction of the great phalanx

that can put down this system of exploitation of the human being by the human being,

exploitation of natural resources to the exhaustion of the earth and that leads to the domination of men

on women and LGBTs, the white supremacist system on black people and

originating. That is, the minority of the rich over the majority of the poor.

strike fund

"On May 1, 1980, 130,000 workers gathered at the Vila Euclides Stadium.

support for the strike came from factories and neighborhoods. New forms of action emerged and was reinforced

dynamics from the ground up. The Strike Fund, organized outside the

scope of the official union. The neighborhood became a rearguard (with daily support activities) and eight thousand

participated in the Fundo de Greve." (TIBLE, Jean. Workers' struggles in São Paulo and ABC in the 1970s.

COMMON PLACE Nº25-26, pp. 291)

We identified that one of the reasons for part of the base of the category to be afraid of

joining a strike, is the suffering of replacement and the fear of discounting. with governments

more reactionaries we may have to face until the point cut. So we need to be

prepared for these situations. The strike fund in the social democratic strategy is a

fund to finance sound cars, chair rental, physical space, printed material,

propaganda about the reasons for the strike. We understand that this does not resume the tradition of

resistance boxes, present in the origins of syndicalism as we know it, still

in the 19th and 20th century. In different contexts, workers created funds to

prepare for a strike because they knew that the boss' weapon was not to pay wages and

force the strikers, by force of hunger or impoverishment, to return to service. Then,

as a way to get around this situation, they created funds, boxes to resist when not

there were more wages. Just like the workers of yesterday who bled and

died for us to have rights, we have to resume this tactic. We propose that the

SINDIUTE assume responsibility for building a Strike Fund with

automatic transmission of 10% of monthly syndicate revenue for exclusive use

in financial aid to workers who suffer a point cut due to the


union elections

We propose that the term of office be reduced to three years and limited to one re-election

(2 consecutive terms), in order to stimulate the re-oxygenation of the vanguard at the base of

category and ending individual reelection, as did SINASEFE-Nacional and

SEPE-RJ for example. We don't want the enlightened/dos boss experience. we want

the collective experience strengthened by grassroots participation and real power!


We defend that the management of our union is done in a majority way. O

speech that proportionality is more democratic is false. What is currently

a confusion caused by proportionality. Category base see "direction"

diverging from the "direction" and does not understand the political composition of "majority" "minority"

between the currents. Everyone criticizes each other, accuses each other and no one assumes the

responsibility for the political mistakes made by the Union, including the currents

that are majority. How almost all chains end up getting their "fair share"

in the union rigging process, proportionality becomes something very

convenient and very comfortable for the bureaucratization of our union. democracy

worker will not be guaranteed simply in the form of composition of the management of a

Syndicate. What guarantees a democratic process in the union struggle is respect for the

grassroots bodies (zones, council of representatives, assemblies) and the positions

dissonant and minority groups, guaranteeing space for opposition groups to act.

Something we don't see in Sindiute. That is why we defend this statutory change, the

The composition of the Sindiute's boards must follow the principle of majority.

Fighting the parliamentary strategy: The parliamentary strategy has caused

bases the belief that political participation should be limited to voting. for the currents of

field of the reformist left the electoral route, the indirect route, will be as important as the

direct struggle, then participation in parliament will be seen as a principle and not

as a strategy. However, theories about participation in parliament are not

properly explained to the bases. The discourse of the progressive sectors joins the sectors

reactionaries reproducing the appreciation of the "importance of the vote". a sense is created

that repeats the maxim that transformations will come through elections. In this way, the

participation in bourgeois elections wins the strategy of organization, mobilization

and struggle, which is what has timidly stopped the neoliberal offensive in some countries.

The strategy of using parliament to address the demands of the

workers appears to us as a consensus among most of the left. While

Therefore, the bases do not identify differences between the candidacies of people linked to the

popular movements (including trade unions) and those of people linked to the bourgeoisie. That

tends to be one of the reasons that can cause, on the one hand, the removal of the

workers of the entities that could organize them for greater mobilization, see

recent record disaffiliation rate, for thinking your board is using

entity for personal or party benefits and, on the other hand, the belief that

improvements in their living conditions are external to the mobilization of the class itself. Per

this, the current struggle of workers against reforms and degeneration like the one that occurred

with the CUT, for example, has to be a struggle between "union conceptions" that

expressed in two antagonistic perspectives: Classist and Combative X Collaborationist


We propose:

* Assigned for parliamentary mandates or for governments cannot be elected for

no position or function in union bodies

* Limitation to one re-election (2 consecutive terms).

* End of proportionality in the composition of the union leadership.

* Rendering of accounts with a periodic report of the trade union license on its activities

presented to the union with free access to the category.

* Publication of the updated version of the Statute in PDF format.

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