A - I n f o s
a multi-lingual news service by, for, and about anarchists
News in all languages
Last 30 posts (Homepage)
archives of old posts
The last 100 posts, according
The First Few Lines of The Last 10 posts in:
First few lines of all posts of last 24 hours
Links to indexes of first few lines of all posts
of past 30 days |
of 2002 |
of 2003 |
of 2004 |
of 2005 |
of 2006 |
of 2007 |
of 2008 |
of 2009 |
of 2010 |
of 2011 |
of 2012 |
of 2013 |
of 2014 |
of 2015 |
of 2016 |
of 2017 |
of 2018 |
of 2019 |
of 2020 |
of 2021 |
Syndication Of A-Infos - including
RDF - How to Syndicate A-Infos
Subscribe to the a-infos newsgroups
(en) luta fob: the thesis of the Opposition of Classist Resistance (ORC/FOB) to the VIII Congress of the union (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]
Wed, 29 Jun 2022 10:00:30 +0300
You have to not be afraid, you have to have the courage to say... - Rondo da
Liberdade, Marighella ----1. INTERNATIONAL / NATIONAL CONJUNCTURE ---- The world
experiences a Cold War II. Unlike the first, which was a ideological/economic
conflict, the Second Cold War is a war for mineral resources and energetic. The
two blocs: Sino-Russian and US/EU, despite maintaining among themselves, expanded
the neo-extractivist dispute on the periphery of capitalism and strengthen a new
wave of colonization and in Brazil, internal colonialism. The war in Ukraine,
like other conflicts, it has a common component, the disputes mineral resources
and energy infrastructure, but point to an increase in scale of conflict, which
is the dispute over areas of economic and military influence. this war in
particular accelerated the energy transition process in Europe, summarized in the
Several conflicts in the periphery derive from this dispute between the blocks,
all these conflicts to just "Hybrid Warfare" or "Color Revolutions" denotes pure
economic/military centralism typical of an uncritical orthodox Marxism, as if the
empires' decisions were determining factors, the argument runs into
reductionism because it abstracts class, social, political, structural and
cyclical. Play fair demonstrations for rights, like the ones that took place in
in 2013 in the lap of the CIA is all that imperialism needs to get stronger
ideologically on the periphery.
Despite the interstate conflicts, the struggle of peoples grows on the periphery
capitalism. A clear example is the revolution carried out in Rojava, in
people's armies composed of men and women expelled DAESH (State
Islamic) on the bullet and accelerated the collectivization of the lands,
carrying out a revolution
socialist, feminine and ecological in the Middle East. This revolution is
threatened by the
Turkish Neo-Ottomanism and the Russian-US disputes in Syria.
The circumstances are connected through the dismantling of Petrobras, the sale of
in Fortaleza as a need for the delivery man Bolsonaro/PL to liquidate the infrapower
Brazilian energy source and hand it over to foreign imperialisms as a way of seeking
support to stay in power or avoid major lawsuits when they fall.
The popular uprising of June 2013 exposed class contradictions and limits
of reformism as politics. The policy presented by almost all organizations
Marxists and Social Democrats, political parties and trade unions was
They aligned themselves with the Government, the Police and the bourgeois media.
Your theoretical analysis of reality
was misguided in ignoring the deep class and sociopolitical contradictions that
manifested. LuloPTista governments strengthened the dual labor market,
generating a generational and occupational contradiction. the mass of workers
overexploited and precarious is seen only as a target of compensatory policies, and
not as a protagonist. Hence the contradictions between union and party
the different sectors mobilized in that popular uprising. No wonder, years before
in the PAC Mega Works were combative strikes that faced governments,
entrepreneurs and the union bureaucracy.
Lulo Petismo's response was to create a narrative that the June Uprising of
2013 was a US-funded move. Nothing could be more false, but expressed as the
trade union aristocracy interprets social movements: every movement must be
constructed and generated by the bureaucracies in union central meetings, and
everything that escapes
to this dynamic, is fought. While the traitor CUT conciliated with the governments in
was LuloPetista, accepting the 2004 pension reform (Lula/PT government) or
formulating the Special Collective Agreement - ACE, flexibilization of labor laws
elaborated by the Metalworkers' Union of ABC/CUT several movements of
neighborhood, student, cultural, politically moved the bases, which in that
moment they no longer identified with the PT. The MPL appears, also born from
dissidents from the Youth Revolution/JP, youth from the current OTrabalho/PT when in
2002/3 fought hard in Florianopolis to defeat the increase in tickets and
nationalized in this first decade, with the emergence of the MPL, which despite
its internal confusion,
organizes students around a concrete agenda.
The 2016 parliamentary coup strengthened the clerical-military sector that
a policy of death in Brazil. We have an ongoing social and environmental disaster Ao
If we look at the reactionary Bolsonaro/PSL government, we understand that there
are two major
fronts of action: a) on the one hand, he washes his hands and, like a sadist,
watched the people be
victimized by Covid-19, thrown into unemployment and informality, suffer from the low
purchasing power and food scarcity and b) acts effectively in the withdrawal of
of the workers. Examples are pension, administrative,
dismantling of environmental protection agencies and salary freezes and the
maintenance of the bloodthirsty ceiling of expenses.
The delay in releasing emergency aid worsened living conditions,
increasing the need for exposure of thousands of people having to work
to kill hunger. The naturalization of the death of a thousand people a day was
of the movement to reopen trade by the governors, who gave in to pressure from the
business, leading to new waves of contamination and increased deaths.
The scenarios presented are: a) increased degradation in the conditions of
law and work; b) the worsening of the conditions of attendance of the people to
the public services
moving quickly towards their privatization; c) the end of job and career plans
(including server stability - which will be harassed a lot); d) naturalization
environmental destruction as a State policy; e) the genocide of poor populations,
indigenous and black women, who are suffering from Covid-19, from food and
financial deprivation, from
armed aggression by the state or landowners; f) dismantling and privatization of
We present as flags:
* Free pass now! Lower the rate to zero!
* Immediate release of all political prisoners, with archiving of all
* End of privatizations (health, education, public spaces, environment and
*All support to the Kurdish people and other peoples fighting for
* Down with the state of exception and the fiscal adjustment!
* Immediate break with CUT!
2. EDUCATIONAL POLICIES
There are those who have a vocation to be a slave, but there are slaves who
Rondo da Liberdade, Marighella
It is not today that educational policies are being bought, subsidized
by the great international organizations and businessmen in the educational
In the 1990s, these agents of capital began a process of reformulation and
reorientation of educational policies for third world countries with the aim of
train unskilled workers efficiently, quickly and with minimal
financial expenditure as possible and meet the demands of capital.
To accompany this process of educational transformation reforms were
carried out in the last decades in the educational field and in its different
teaching. We have as an example in the Lula/PT government the huge investment in
of scholarships to private higher institutions such as PROUNI. making the big grow
education trade in the country, transferring public money to the private sector.
Despite being approved by the Temer government in 2017, the BNCC was a policy
provided for in the document "Pátria Educadora" by Dilma/PT, imposingly amending
the content offered for high school that will be based on the BNCC. In the text
of the reform
schools will not be obliged to offer all the contents foreseen, emptying of
high school content and deepening educational inequalities in the country. That
reform opens paths for the advancement of distance education (DE) as it allows the
high school offers part of its curriculum in this modality.
In the same way as the High School Reform and the Guidelines Reform
Curriculum for the Pedagogy course, the National Common Curricular Base (BNCC), is
a policy foreseen in the same "Pátria Educadora" of Dilma/PT. Therefore, governments
PT participates in the formulation of these privatist policies!
BNCC provides for 60% of the content to be developed by teachers
obligatorily in the classroom, becoming an imposing document that denies the autonomy
of the teacher. Despite the remaining 40% of the contents being freely chosen by
they can be offered via EAD. In EJA, the percentage of distance learning can
In the context of the State of Exception and fiscal adjustment with EC 95
(expenditure ceiling) that
freezes public spending for 20 years, it is obvious that the content offered in
distance education will be
applied by private companies that will profit from public money. In the reviews
(homogeneous and marketing assessments) will charge only those
contents imposed by the BNCC, that is, the contents that only serve for the insertion
of young people in the job market with cheap labor. In this way, the BNCC causes
a deep scientific emptying in the teaching process in the classrooms.
BNCC denies the whole idea of curriculum becoming a document
normative, which disregards the teaching process thinking only of the final result.
The form of construction and imposition of these bases still dispenses with the
we find in the classroom, whether of gender, social condition, level of learning,
corroborating for a homogenizing and technicist education.
When defining the learning to be developed during the phases of education
basic education, the national bases will also influence the guidelines for
of professors in higher education, leading to scientific emptying in the courses of
Pedagogy and other degrees. The BNCC and the other implemented reforms are attacks
direct public education, make precarious and privatize what is the basic right of
These reforms do not take into account the reality of schools and
deep cuts that governments have made for years in education. In addition to inducing
the production of totally decontextualized external evaluations that aim to hide the
structural issues placing the blame for school failure on teachers, students and
The students of the municipal network of Fortaleza have a historical gap
workload in relation to students from the state education network, for example.
Our students have 4h/a per day while students from the state network have 5h/a
day. At the end of one year, the city hall student had a deficit of 200h/a. if this
student remains in the municipal school system from the sixth to the ninth year,
the deficit is
800h/a plus the four years of elementary school II, the equivalent of one year of
1 Art 10, resolution No. 1 of May 28, 2021
love us. We need to fight for more access to science, understood here as
systematized by humanity. For that, we must fight to reduce the time of the hour
class, from 55 mins to 50 mins, and to increase the time that the elementary
school student will spend
be in school, for at least 5h/a, following the same proportionality in the Schools
It is necessary that the unions of education workers, in addition to
fight privatist projects, build an emancipatory education project that
point to the construction of a new, socialist society, without the exploitation
of human beings.
human by human being, that respects ethnic/racial plurality and the diversity of
* End of Meritocracy!
* Combating the precariousness of work; dual function, versatility and
of the public tender!
* End of external evaluation: evaluations must be discussed by the school community!
* 1 enrollment, 1 school! No discipline with less than 2 beats!
* Design an Education project for schools proposed and prepared by the
SINDIUTE-CE, preceded by conferences and an exclusive education congress for
* Fight for 50% of teaching hours for planning and activities outside the classroom
* Increase in the workload, from 4h/a to 5h/a daily for elementary II students.
* Against closing classes!
* Reduction in the number of students per class! For the opening of more schools!
* No to School Without Party!
* Free elections and democratic management in all schools of all networks!
* Against the commodification of education!
3. UNION POLICY
Don't get on your knees, it's not rational to give up being free. Even the slaves for
vocation must be forced to be free when the shackles are broken.
Rondo of freedom, Marighella.
Balance of strikes AND UNION CONCEPTION
In the city we faced the Ferreira Gomes block and entered 2016 looking for
floor readjustment. We have always pointed out in the assembly that we should not
be too fussy with
laws. When the salary floor readjustment is lower than inflation in Fortaleza,
we must claim a higher value than the floor. However, the direction of the
Sindiute did not
put the proposal to a vote. Another proposal that we present in a pamphlet and in
interventions in assemblies was that we should build a strike command.
The 2016 and 2017 strikes had a centralist character, where the only
deliberation forum, was the board meeting. The assemblies, in these years, were
merely advisory. The direction of Sindiute (ArtSind/CUT) followed the following
1 - management reports; 2 - proposals from the management; 3 - voting; 4 - time to
speakers. The height of undemocratic absurdity, preventing the base from
expressing itself with
proposals in the assembly, because when the base managed to express itself, the votes
they had passed. Despite the strength of the strike, part of the category did not
join. so the direction
initiated the strategy of asking the "breakthroughs" to stop on negotiation days.
from the intention to expand membership on key days, we created a negative
dynamic in the
category and in this, we must do self-criticism because we reinforce this policy.
illegality on the coasts, the majority leadership (ArtSind/CUT) forwards the
suspension of the strike. Part of the category does not agree, the assembly is
divided and the
disorganization was so great that not even a badge existed and the strike ended.
The 2017 strike will consolidate the strike-breaking "outages" strategy in
trading day, strengthening a negative dynamic of "participation without joining"
strikers worked normally and adhered to a strike day on days of
negotiation, putting the strike itself in a complicated situation where part of
wondered what was needed? A strike or days of stoppage? the basis on
strike started the assemblies with greater demands, which forced the majority
(ArtSind/CUT) to adapt, reaching the point of accepting the proposal of the base,
Strike Command. However, a command without real force, merely advisory, without
deliberative power. In this instance, the proposal for the occupation of the SME
arises, which will have the
objective of re-oxygenating the strike, however, without success. For obvious
reasons we will not cite
who submits the proposal. We left the strike with nothing.
In 2018, we rejected the shameful proposal of the PMF, which was already failing
to comply with the
floor law since 2016, the category decides on the strike that is immediately enacted
illegal. Having to deal with the impediment of mobilization activities and
picket at schools. Even so, the teachers decide in assembly for the maintenance
of the strike. The discouraging scenario of the last strike divided the category
between those who
fueled the fear of no real gain, and who ended up going back to schools and
those who felt even more instigated to face it.
The realization of zonals elected a strike command with representatives from the base
in their respective districts that even in small numbers managed to oppose
to the centralist measures of the board to demobilize the category with terrorism
misplaced. The teachers once again decided to continue, despite many
have returned to schools. This generated wear and tear in the category that in an
The following day, it decided to suspend it, accepting the PMF's proposal for a
readjustment in installments.
2019 marked the first year of the reactionary Bolsonaro/PSL government
maintained a fight schedule with occasional stoppages against the dismantling of the
Education and Pension Reform at national and local level. The mobilization agenda
was very limited to street activities. What in the course of new acts, the
emptying became a constant.
In 2020 the readjustment of the category in the percentage of the teaching floor
was the factor of
mobilization at the beginning of the year, which took the category to a
standstill for days in the chamber
municipal government that started a readjustment in installments and without
retroactive. Despite the percentage of
floor readjustment was higher than in previous years, inflation was also higher.
the salary floor is still not enough for the appreciation of the category.
Our strikes followed a deflagration ritual with assemblies that did not
guarantee the power of speech to the base before decisions are made, which
strengthens the direction
while weakening the base. Base that has been slowly losing its "faith in the
as an instrument of conquests and victories and adheres to the "complacency" of
the stoppage within
of the strike. This whole script strengthens depoliticization, our tormentors and
power of our category.
4. POLITICAL BALANCE, STRUGGLE PLAN AND STRUCTURE
The state pension reform exposed the opportunistic sewage that the PT
turned. At the same time that he will campaign for Camilo Santana/PT for the Senate,
when the state pension reform was approved, he stated that this "is not PT
root", relativizing the participation of the legend in the approval of the reform
PT state deputies voted in favor of the reform following the Bolsonarist primer.
REORGENT THE SINDIUTE TO GUARANTEE TRADE UNION DEMOCRACY
"On May 1, 1980, 130,000 workers gathered at the Vila Euclides Stadium. This time the
support for the strike came from factories and neighborhoods. New forms of action
emerged and the
dynamics from the ground up. The Strike Fund, organized outside the
scope of the official union. The neighborhood became a rearguard (with daily
support activities) and eight
thousand participated in the Strike Fund." (TIBLE, Jean. Workers' struggles in
São Paulo and ABC in the 70s.
COMMON PLACE Nº25-26, pp. 291)
How do we understand a grassroots strike?
We understand that the moment a strike is defined by the assembly of the
category, the next step should be the informal suspension of union leadership while
last the strike and the election of the strike command, a power parallel to that
of the union that
makes it difficult for the state bureaucracy to criminalize and illegalize a
our instrument of organization and struggle, the union. It also creates the
renewal at the forefront of the category, re-oxygenating permanent mobilization
The arguments of those who oppose a strike command in this
model that the strike command is an organism that opposes the board
union, because the union leaders themselves can be voted to compose the
strike command. They did not understand that the Strike Command can be an instrument
for the construction of People's Power.
Revolutionary Syndicalism is the inherited strategy of the Association
Workers' International - AIT (1864-1872/76) and various insurrections and struggles
social around the world. Revolutionary Syndicalism - SR understands that we must
build a new, socialist, non-exploitation society by strengthening the
People Power. But this society does not fall from the sky. It is the task of this
congress to approve
structures and instances that strengthen People's Power.
From this SR perspective, strikes are instruments of mobilization and
autonomous organization of the category and following the Syndicalism strategy
Revolutionary it is possible to build popular power to oppose and defeat the
prevailing social and economic structure.
Thus, in the new society, education will be managed by teachers and students.
through its entities; bus routes will be organized by neighborhood associations
and transport workers' union; health by unions and councils
popular and so on, that is, self-management of life, society and the economy.
We know that a revolution doesn't fall from the sky, and that we have to build
the new society
Therefore, we have the task not only of, in this congress, pointing to strategies
can avoid the withdrawal of rights, but move towards the construction of the
that can put down this system of exploitation of the human being by the human being,
exploitation of natural resources to the exhaustion of the earth and that leads
to the domination of men
on women and LGBTs, the white supremacist system on black people and
originating. That is, the minority of the rich over the majority of the poor.
"On May 1, 1980, 130,000 workers gathered at the Vila Euclides Stadium.
support for the strike came from factories and neighborhoods. New forms of action
emerged and was reinforced
dynamics from the ground up. The Strike Fund, organized outside the
scope of the official union. The neighborhood became a rearguard (with daily
support activities) and eight thousand
participated in the Fundo de Greve." (TIBLE, Jean. Workers' struggles in São
Paulo and ABC in the 1970s.
COMMON PLACE Nº25-26, pp. 291)
We identified that one of the reasons for part of the base of the category to be
joining a strike, is the suffering of replacement and the fear of discounting.
more reactionaries we may have to face until the point cut. So we need to be
prepared for these situations. The strike fund in the social democratic strategy is a
fund to finance sound cars, chair rental, physical space, printed material,
propaganda about the reasons for the strike. We understand that this does not
resume the tradition of
resistance boxes, present in the origins of syndicalism as we know it, still
in the 19th and 20th century. In different contexts, workers created funds to
prepare for a strike because they knew that the boss' weapon was not to pay wages and
force the strikers, by force of hunger or impoverishment, to return to service. Then,
as a way to get around this situation, they created funds, boxes to resist when not
there were more wages. Just like the workers of yesterday who bled and
died for us to have rights, we have to resume this tactic. We propose that the
SINDIUTE assume responsibility for building a Strike Fund with
automatic transmission of 10% of monthly syndicate revenue for exclusive use
in financial aid to workers who suffer a point cut due to the
We propose that the term of office be reduced to three years and limited to one
(2 consecutive terms), in order to stimulate the re-oxygenation of the vanguard
at the base of
category and ending individual reelection, as did SINASEFE-Nacional and
SEPE-RJ for example. We don't want the enlightened/dos boss experience. we want
the collective experience strengthened by grassroots participation and real power!
We defend that the management of our union is done in a majority way. O
speech that proportionality is more democratic is false. What is currently
a confusion caused by proportionality. Category base see "direction"
diverging from the "direction" and does not understand the political composition
of "majority" "minority"
between the currents. Everyone criticizes each other, accuses each other and no
one assumes the
responsibility for the political mistakes made by the Union, including the currents
that are majority. How almost all chains end up getting their "fair share"
in the union rigging process, proportionality becomes something very
convenient and very comfortable for the bureaucratization of our union. democracy
worker will not be guaranteed simply in the form of composition of the management
Syndicate. What guarantees a democratic process in the union struggle is respect
grassroots bodies (zones, council of representatives, assemblies) and the positions
dissonant and minority groups, guaranteeing space for opposition groups to act.
Something we don't see in Sindiute. That is why we defend this statutory change, the
The composition of the Sindiute's boards must follow the principle of majority.
Fighting the parliamentary strategy: The parliamentary strategy has caused
bases the belief that political participation should be limited to voting. for
the currents of
field of the reformist left the electoral route, the indirect route, will be as
important as the
direct struggle, then participation in parliament will be seen as a principle and not
as a strategy. However, theories about participation in parliament are not
properly explained to the bases. The discourse of the progressive sectors joins
reactionaries reproducing the appreciation of the "importance of the vote". a
sense is created
that repeats the maxim that transformations will come through elections. In this
participation in bourgeois elections wins the strategy of organization, mobilization
and struggle, which is what has timidly stopped the neoliberal offensive in some
The strategy of using parliament to address the demands of the
workers appears to us as a consensus among most of the left. While
Therefore, the bases do not identify differences between the candidacies of
people linked to the
popular movements (including trade unions) and those of people linked to the
tends to be one of the reasons that can cause, on the one hand, the removal of the
workers of the entities that could organize them for greater mobilization, see
recent record disaffiliation rate, for thinking your board is using
entity for personal or party benefits and, on the other hand, the belief that
improvements in their living conditions are external to the mobilization of the
class itself. Per
this, the current struggle of workers against reforms and degeneration like the
one that occurred
with the CUT, for example, has to be a struggle between "union conceptions" that
expressed in two antagonistic perspectives: Classist and Combative X Collaborationist
* Assigned for parliamentary mandates or for governments cannot be elected for
no position or function in union bodies
* Limitation to one re-election (2 consecutive terms).
* End of proportionality in the composition of the union leadership.
* Rendering of accounts with a periodic report of the trade union license on its
presented to the union with free access to the category.
* Publication of the updated version of the Statute in PDF format.
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-Infos Information Center