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27 Nov 96 22:07:00 +0100

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|| * SUPPLEMENT -- * - November 24, 1996 - * -- SUPPLEMENT * ||

CONTENTS: Supplement 93

1. (LAT) Hearing Set on `Geronimo' Pratt's Request for
New Trial

Racist Cops: Black Community Organizes to
Fight Back in St. Petersburgh, Florida

Faces Charges of Smuggling Drugs Into U.S.

4. (TO) THE ORGANIZER: U.S. Government Drug Dealing
Has a Long History

Robert Gentles

6. (REUTER) New Mexican Guerrilla Group Emerges With

7. (AP) COLOMBIA: Armed Men Drag 11 People From House
and Killed Them

8. (AP) FRANCE: Protesters Support Rap Group Convicted
for Insulting Police

9. (A-I) A-INFOS: `Police' by NTM




LOS ANGELES TIMES, Saturday, November 23, 1996

Court: Questions about key prosecution witness against
former Black Panther leader will be main focus.

By EDWARD J. BOYER, Times Staff Writer

SANTA ANA -- An Orange County judge ordered a hearing Friday
to determine if there is enough evidence to grant former Black
Panther Party leader Elmer "Geronimo" Pratt a new trial on the
murder conviction that has kept him behind bars for a quarter-

Superior Court Judge Everett W. Dickey, who was assigned the
case after the entire Los Angeles County Superior Court bench was
disqualified in September, set Dec. 16 to begin hearing testimony
in his Santa Ana courtroom.

Pratt, 49, was convicted in 1972 of shooting Caroline Olsen to
death on a Santa Monica tennis court and of critically wounding
her husband during a December 1968 robbery that netted $18.

Pratt has maintained since his arrest that he was in Oakland
attending party meetings when the murder occurred and that he was
framed by the FBI, which had targeted him and the Panthers for
"neutralization" as part of its infamous counterintelligence
program -- COINTELPRO.

Dickey stressed Friday that he would not open the hearing to
all of the issues raised in Pratt's 1972 trial, or rehear issues
that have been dealt with in Pratt's earlier efforts to win a new

The judge said he wanted the December hearing to focus
initially on several recent revelations regarding key prosecution
witness Julius "Julio" Butler, a former Panther and former Los
Angeles County sheriff's deputy who testified that Pratt
confessed the Olsen murder to him.

Butler's name turned up on district attorney's office
confidential informant cards dated January 1972 -- six months
before Pratt's trial. Butler testified at Pratt's trial that he
had never been a law enforcement informant, but FBI documents
released after the trial revealed that he had provided
information to agents for more than two years.
Notations on Butler's cards indicated that they were prepared
by former district attorney's office Det. Morris "Morrie" Bowles.
However, Bowles has said he does not recall preparing the cards
or putting them in the informant file.

Deputy Dist. Atty. Ronald "Mike" Carroll told investigators in
June that he believed Pratt's prosecutor, Richard P. Kalustian,
now a Superior Court judge, had helped Butler get a permit to
carry a gun. Carroll also said he thought Kalustian had arranged
to have a felony conviction on Butler's record reduced to a
misdemeanor so that Butler could buy a gun.

Kalustian has denied those allegations.

"There has to be some clarification on what efforts were made
by Kalustian on Butler's behalf," Dickey said Friday. "I think we
have to hear from Bowles. Just saying I don't remember how
[Butler's name turned up in the informant file] is not good

The judge said he wondered why it is only being disclosed now
-- "24 years later" -- that Butler's name was in the informant

"It's clear that this is not a typical case," Dickey said. "It
cries out for resolution."

Pratt's case was transferred to Orange County after it became
evident that Kalustian would be a witness. Los Angeles Superior
Court Judge Michael A. Cowell disqualified himself and the entire
Los Angeles County Superior Court bench in September to avoid a
conflict of interest.

Copyright Los Angeles Times


** Topic: Fighting Racist Cops in Florida **
** Written 9:14 AM Nov 21, 1996 by
in cdp:misc.activism. **


Via Workers World News Service
Reprinted from the Nov. 28, 1996
issue of Workers World newspaper

Black community organizes to fight back in St. Petersburg, Fla.

By Johnnie Stevens
St. Petersburg, Fla.

Two rebellions against the police killing of a Black youth
have brought a new spirit to the Black community in this Gulf
Coast city.

Cops travel around in packs of eight stuffed in two patrol
cars. But the people walk the streets proudly and defy police
intimidation to attend protest meetings.

On Nov. 13, although 45 witnesses had said Officer Jim
Knight killed TyRon Lewis on Oct. 24 for no good reason, a grand
jury with only one Black member cleared Knight of all charges.

Knowing the news that Knight was let off would arouse rage,
police tried a preemptive strike against activists from the
National People's Democratic Uhuru Movement. But this did not
stop the Black youths of St. Petersburg.

By that evening, they were back in the streets.

And they were even better prepared for struggle than three
weeks before.

Young people surrounded a police substation. For 40 minutes,
there was intense gunfire between the community and the police.

One cop co-piloting a helicopter was shot in the arm.
Another was hit in the leg near Uhuru House.

Cops tried to arrest this group's three leading organizers.
But young people prevented the arrests.

The group had put out a leaflet with the headline: "Killer
cop let go. Come to a protest."

According to witnesses, angry cops barricaded the street
behind the Uhuru office and burned eight automobiles parked on
the block. Police reported 84 fires that night.

Bancock's, a hated furniture store seen as bleeding the
neighborhood, was hit. The crowd also destroyed a mill that had
closed down without notice or benefits.


By Nov. 17, everyone in the neighborhood could direct a
reporter to Uhuru House. At a meeting that day Omali Yeshetila,
chairperson of the African People's Socialist Party, reviewed the
past three weeks and told a meeting of 80 people of the need to
fight for neighborhood control of the cops.

People listened intently and applauded frequently, ignoring
the patrol cars circling the block outside Uhuru House.

Their confidence was impressive because the week before cops
had attacked their meeting. Yessithia said cops had shoved youths
off the intersection where Lewis was killed. After they pushed
them two blocks to the Uhuru House, 27 cops entered, declared the
meeting illegal -- and attacked the membership with tear gas and
pepper gas.

Yeshetila explained that only the intervention of 200
neighborhood youths outside the hall "stopped a `MOVE' from

"The cops came to massacre us. But the youths became an
army. They are our soldiers."


On Oct. 24, St. Petersburg Police Officer Jim Knight shot
TyRon Lewis after police stopped the young Black man for
allegedly speeding.

Knight claims Lewis started the car, trying to run him over.
Other witnesses say the car was just rolling slowly forward when
Knight opened fired through the windshield, killing Lewis.

It was the sixth time this year St. Petersburg police shot
someone. They had killed a man in the same neighborhood just the
week before.

The people had had enough. Defying heavy police presence,
they rose up and battled cops through the evening after Lewis was
killed, burning down a police substation and a police cruiser.

Since that night, the Black community has been organizing
against police brutality. Leading this effort is the Uhuru
Movement, a coalition including the APSP, the Nation of Islam,
the NAACP, the Ministers' Alliance of South Tampa, some youth
organizations and small businesses.

The Uhuru Movement has initiated a class-action lawsuit
against the police and is calling for a national demonstration.


For the National Committee of Workers World Party, Monica
Moorehead and Gloria La Riva sent a message of solidarity to the
Uhuru movement.

The statement reads in part: "We extend our solidarity and
support to the family and friends of TyRon Lewis and to the Black
community of south St. Petersburg, which is resisting racist and
repressive occupation by the St. Petersburg police.

"We also want to extend our hand in solidarity with the
sisters and brothers of the National People's Democratic Uhuru
Movement who have been targeted by these same police for their
courageous role in organizing to stop police brutality and
murder. ...

"Only a mass people's movement can win justice. In St.
Petersburg, the authorities are trying to smash this movement.
But the people are standing up heroically to tear gas, bullets,
and prison.

"We demand that all charges against those arrested during
the justified rebellions in St. Petersburg on Oct. 24 and Nov. 13
be dropped. We demand that Officer Knight be brought to justice.
We demand an end to police brutality and murder."


(Copyright Workers World Service: Permission to reprint
granted if source is cited. For more information contact
Workers World, 55 W. 17 St., NY, NY 10011; via e-mail: For subscription info send message to: Web:

** End of text from cdp:misc.activism. **


** Topic: CIA Cocaine: Fresh Indictments **
** Written 5:22 AM Nov 22, 1996 by
in **




November 22, 1996

CARACAS, Venezuela -- A Miami grand jury indicted the former
head of a Central Intelligence Agency-sponsored Venezuelan
antidrug unit on charges he smuggled cocaine into the U.S., in a
case that is likely to again raise questions about the CIA's role
in drug enforcement.

U.S. officials said Gen. Ramon Guillen was charged in a
sealed indictment with conspiracy to smuggle cocaine into the
U.S. during a period in which he headed a special CIA-financed
Venezuelan National Guard antinarcotics group. Law-enforcement
officials familiar with the case say Gen. Guillen's unit shipped
as much as 22 tons of cocaine into the U.S. He headed the unit
between 1987 and 1991.

The officials say that CIA agents working with Gen. Guillen
approved the delivery of one and possibly two cocaine shipments
totaling more than one ton, which were smuggled into the U.S. The
officials say the shipments approved by the CIA were allowed to
be sent under the premise that letting the drugs reach their
destination in the U.S. without hindrance would enable the CIA to
gather intelligence about drug-smuggling networks and strengthen
the position of a key confidential informant within Colombia's
drug cartels. The Drug Enforcement Administration opposed the
plan, those officials say.

U.S. law-enforcement officials say no CIA officials were
charged in the indictment. A CIA spokesman declined to comment.
But in a 1993 letter to the Miami Herald concerning the case, the
agency wrote that "the CIA neither participated in nor condoned
any illegal drug shipments into the American market."


Gen. Guillen, interviewed at his home here, denied
wrongdoing and said he worked closely with the CIA in devising a
snare to catch drug traffickers. He says the strategy called for
luring the late Colombian drug lord Pablo Escobar into Venezuela
and capturing him, but didn't include allowing shipments of
cocaine to reach the U.S. without being stopped by law
enforcement authorities.

"The agreement with our informant was to have in Venezuela a
place where they could store drugs and at the same time, we
guaranteed the shipment of drugs where they wanted to place them,
with the full knowledge of the CIA," says Gen. Guillen, now

The CIA's involvement in the drug war has come under fire in
the past because the agency has relied on sources for
intelligence that have later proved to be involved in
trafficking, such as Gen. Manuel Antonio Noriega, former leader
of Panama. More recently, the CIA endured criticism following a
controversial series of articles in the San Jose Mercury News
that charged the agency was involved in introducing crack cocaine
to poor black neighborhoods in Los Angeles as part of a plan to
finance Contra rebels fighting to topple the Marxist Sandinista
regime in Nicaragua in the 1980s. Although numerous doubts have
been raised about the validity of the accusations, they caused
the agency an acute public-relations problem.

"Up till the present, I have no evidence of a conspiracy of
the CIA to be involved in drug trafficking, but I'm keeping my
mind open," CIA Director John Deutch told an angry crowd mostly
made up of African-Americans in Los Angeles last week.

In 1994, the interim president of Venezuela ruled that Gen.
Guillen and several fellow National Guard officers wouldn't stand
trial on drug offenses.


Gen. Guillen, who appears to live modestly in a small home,
stoutly maintains his innocence. During the period in question,
he says, his unit sent about 4,100 pounds of cocaine to the U.S.
But, he says, both the CIA and the DEA, which also maintained an
agent at the National Guard facility, knew about them. "We always
told U.S. authorities," he says.

"Nothing could be done without their authorization," says
Gen. Guillen, speaking of the CIA. "I defend the CIA. I believe
the CIA did an excellent job."

But U.S. officials familiar with the case say that U.S.
law-enforcement agencies weren't notified of many deliveries that
found their way to the street. The operation was uncovered when
the U.S. Customs Service intercepted a shipment in 1991 and began
an investigation.

U.S. law-enforcement officials say no CIA officials were
charged in the indictment. "They thought they were controlling
the National Guard, but the National Guard was controlling them,"
says one law-enforcement official familiar with the case. "We
have found no intent to profit, no nothing, just stupidity."

The Guillen affair came to light three years ago when the
CIA, prompted by reports that CBS's "60 Minutes" news program was
preparing an expose, said a joint CIA-DEA probe in 1991 had
uncovered "instances of poor judgment and management" by some CIA
officials, but no criminal acts. Subsequently, one CIA agent
resigned while the Caracas station chief was called home and
later retired.

As part of the 1991 probe, Gen. Guillen testified for four
days before a joint DEA-CIA inspector-general's investigation in
Miami. According to a report from that investigation, Gen.
Guillen "lost his composure and, when directly confronted
concerning his involvement in the unauthorized and illegal
shipment of cocaine to the U.S., confessed."

But Gen. Guillen, who notes he testified without a lawyer
present and says he was denied the use of his own interpreter at
the session, contends he never confessed to anything. "It's all
lies," he says.


The "60 Minutes" report quoted DEA station chief Annabelle
Grimm as saying she turned down the CIA's and the National
Guard's requests to make "uncontrolled" cocaine deliveries --
that arrived in the hands of users in the U.S. -- in order to
make their undercover operations more credible. Then-DEA
administrator Robert Bonner told "60 Minutes" the CIA
subsequently made the same request to DEA administrators in
Washington and were again turned down. "Apparently, it went
forward anyway," Mr. Bonner said then.

In 1993, Gen. Guillen was issued a subpoena to testify
before the grand jury looking into the case. Gen. Guillen
returned to Venezuela and says he was then unable to testify
because of a Venezuelan order prohibiting his leaving the

U.S. officials are doubtful that Gen. Guillen will ever
stand trial in the U.S. The general himself says he can't even
afford to hire an attorney to represent him in the U.S. and fears
he may face more legal trouble in Venezuela. "Since any report
that comes from the DEA has 150% credibility, I imagine you may
be interviewing me behind bars next year," he says.

-- Joe Davidson in Washington contributed to this article.

Copyright _ 1996 Dow Jones & Company, Inc. All Rights

** End of text from **


** Topic: Socialists on CIA drug sales **
** Written 3:42 PM Nov 21, 1996 by theorganizer
in **



By SCOTT COOPER, The Organizer

A controversy has swirled since August, when the San Jose
Mercury-News published its three-part report on CIA/U.S.
government complicity in flooding predominantly Black communities
in this country with crack cocaine. The drugs were sold to raise
money for the Nicaraguan contras. The report is a devastating
indictment of the government's drug war on the Black community.
But it's not really new news.

Malcolm X called attention to this phenomenon -- what he
called keeping the Black community "medicated" -- more than 30
years ago. On June 28, 1964, he spoke at the founding rally of
the Organization of Afro-American Unity in New York City.
Referring to the drug problem gripping Harlem, he advocated the
establishment of a clinic to help cure addicts.

Then Malcolm turned his attention to the source of the
drugs. "When a person is a drug addict, he's not the criminal;
he's a victim of the criminal. The criminal is the man downtown
who brings this drug into the country. Negroes can't bring drugs
into this country. You don't have any boats. You don't have any
airplanes. You don't have any diplomatic immunity. It is not you
who is responsible for bringing in drugs. You're just a little
tool that is used by the man downtown. The man that controls the
drug traffic sits in city hall or he sits in the state house. Big
shots who are respected, who function in high circles -- those
are the ones who control these things. And you and I will never
strike at the root of it until we strike at the man downtown."


The U.S. government has a long and rich history of drug
dealing. So do the world's leading financial institutions. Drugs
today are at the center of the world capitalist economy -- a
direct result of the growth in speculative investment and the
destruction of productive forces in many parts of the world.

Estimates of just how big this drug economy really is are
staggering. Some official studies suggest that more than $500
billion in drug money was laundered through the world's banks in

Why does capitalism turn to drugs as a tool to bolster a
declining system? Part of the answer can be found in Malcolm's
suggestion that the "power structure" wants to keep certain
communities "medicated." But there is a more profound answer: in
an era of the destruction of the productive forces, the drug
economy is a form of direct destruction. Drugs destroy the main
productive force, humans. They are a source of rapid decay of
humanity itself. And, as addictive "products," they introduce
forced consumption of something sold at a price far beyond its

No wonder drug production is expanding -- with the blessing
of the United States and the international financial
institutions. In fact, the expansion of the drug economy can be
traced directly to the imposition of the structural adjustment
plans of the International Monetary Fund and World Bank.

Several Latin American countries provide good examples. In
Bolivia, drugs represent about 6 percent of the country's gross
national product, and up to 25 percent of the working population
is employed in the drug industry directly or indirectly. The
growing of other crops was halted as part of the country's
structural adjustment plan. The situation is similar in Colombia,
where the international institutions forced a renegotiation of
prices for the country's leading crop, coffee, that represented a
nearly $500 million loss to the economy. But the export of
cocaine brings in as much as $3 billion.

These are but a few of the economic elements of what has
become a central component of the world capitalist economy. And
the United States is right in the thick of things -- as it has
been for decades.

Again, this isn't new news. The information has been around
for a long time.

For example, an internal document of the U.S. House
Committee on Narcotics Abuse and Control, publicized in U.S.
newspapers in March 1987, revealed that "cocaine is being
smuggled into the United States through the same infrastructure
which is procuring, storing, and transporting weapons,
explosives, ammunition, and military equipment for the contras
from the United States." The document was dated June 25, 1986.

An intelligence report from the Miami Police Department,
dated September 26, 1984, states that money to support contras
being trained illegally in Florida "comes from narcotics
transactions." It's worth noting that Janet Reno, today the U.S.
attorney general but then Florida's chief federal prosecutor,
quashed any investigation.

Nonetheless, the phony "war on drugs" waged by the U.S.
government will continue. It's a smokescreen for U.S. complicity
in drug trafficking, which has become essential to prop up
capitalism as the rate of profit falls and the ability to realize
new profits through productive investment falters.

Who knows? Perhaps the U.S. government will up the ante and
make the "war on drugs" appear even more real -- like what was
done in Panama. The U.S. invasion of Panama on December 20, 1989,
under the leadership of President George Bush, was supposed to
rid that country of a "drug lord" -- albeit one the United States
had put in power. But the drug trade itself was left intact.

During a recent visit to Panama, General Barry McCaffrey --
the U.S. drug policy "czar" -- acknowledged that billions of
dollars of drug money were being laundered in Panamanian banks.
Local officials were insulted, and they struck back verbally.
Miguel Heras, the finance minister, insisted that far more drug
money was laundered in Miami than in his country. Guillermo
Chapman, the planning minister, said his country was the "last
link in a chain of money laundering" that includes Mexico,
Colombia, and the United States.

Is the Mercury-News report really a surprise?


4104 24th Street #440
San Francisco, CA 94114
PHONE: (415) 641-4610
FAX: (415) 641-8616

Subscriptions: US Only: $12, Int'l: $30 (US currency only)

** End of text from **


Date: Thu, 21 Nov 1996 11:11:21 -0400 (EDT)
Subject: The Death of Robert Gentles



On October 24th, 1993, during a lockdown at Kingston
Penitentiary, Robert "Tex" Gentles was ordered to turn down his
radio. When he demanded to know why prisoners had not been fed in
21 hours, a six guard extraction team entered his cell, when they
left Robert Gentles was dead. Gentles had been maced with four
times the amount of mace authorized by Correction Services of
Canada (CSC) to subdue prisoners, he was beaten, pinned face down
on his bed and suffocated.


Robert Gentles was a founding member of the Prison Violence
Project (PVP), a prisoner based human rights group researching
the causes of violence in prisons. The PVP started in June of
1993, when five prisoners at Kingston Pen came together as a
reaction to violence observed in the prison. They started the PVP
because they believed that the high rate of physical and
psychological violence in prisons contributes to the violent
crime committed by prisoners upon release.

The goal of the PVP was to "achieve a reduction in violence
and potential violence in prisons, thereby having a direct effect
on the reduction of violence in society." Within six months of
the initiation of the PVP, two of the project's founding members
had died.

One year after the murder of Robert Gentles, 385 of the 400
prisoners in general population at Kingston Pen had signed a
petition demanding justice for Gentles. On October 24th, 1994,
the Inmate Committee issued a statement to the general population
after they were denied a request to hold a vigil in the prison
chapel. The statement said "The canteen and the committee are
not working tonight in support of the one year anniversary of the
Gentles case. The committee is looking for the support of the
cons by not leaving the ranges, in a quiet demonstration in
support of our families who will be picketing against Corrections
Canada in support of the Gentles case." One week after the quiet
demonstration at Kingston Pen, the remaining members of the
Prison Violence Project were given involuntary transfers to other
institutions across Canada.

By the winter of 1995 the Prison Violence Project was
officially banned by the Correctional Service of Canada.


Were it not for the tireless and persistent efforts of the
Gentles family, the murder of Robert Gentles would have been
another covered-up prison death. The guards refused to give the
police detailed statements about the killing. The Crown attorney
insisted from the start that charges not be pressed.

Then-Attorney General Marion Boyd repeatedly refused to
reconsider the charges.

Because of the whitewash, it took extensive investigations
and the efforts of the legal team of Julian Falconer and his
associates to uncover the truth before private charges of
criminal negligence causing death and manslaughter could be filed
against the guards. This was the first time in Canadian history
that guards have ever been charged in connection with the death
of a prisoner.

However, charges against four of the six guards were almost
immediately stayed. Charges proceeded against Sean Wiley and
Barry Aitchison. Delay tactics were successful in eating up all
of the Gentles' legal funds, sabotaging the private prosecution
and leaving the Gentles family with no other choice than to allow
the Crown to take over the case. With no real interest in
prosecuting employees of CSC, the Crown withdrew all charges
against the remaining two guards in June of 1995. Carmeta
Gentles, Robert's mother, appealed the decision to withdraw the

In June 1996 Judge Hurley denied the appeal to Carmeta
Gentles to privately prosecute the six Kingston Guards
responsible for the death of her son. Carmeta Gentles is now
seeking an Inquiry into the Death of her son.


Carmeta Gentles has spent thousands of dollars on legal
expenses. She must pay her significant legal bills before she can
make another move through the courts.

"My son is gone, I miss him greatly. I still cry a lot
sometimes and I know that is not going to bring him back. But I
have always said 'if I can spare one mother the grief I have gone
through and am still going through then I would think my life is
not in vain'." said Mrs. Gentles.



Carmeta Gentles
c/o Canada Trust
King & Houston Street Branch (Hamilton) Account # 015524295

Send Letters & Faxes to:

Mike Harris Ontario Premier Legislative
Building R. 281 Queen's Park
Toronto ON M7A 1A1
phone: 416-325-1941 fax: 416-325-3745

Robert Runciman, Solicitor General of Ontario
175 Bloor St E. #400 N Tower
Toronto ON M4W 3R8
phone: 416-326-5075 fax: 416-326-5085

Charles Harrnick
Attorney General of Ontario
720 Bay St Floor 11
Toronto ON M5G 2K1
phone: 416-326-4000 fax: 416-326-4016


For More information:

In Hamilton
Justice for Gentles Campaign
P.O. Box 57069, Jackson Stn.
Hamilton, ON L8M 4W9

In Peterborough
Anti-Colonial Action Alliance (ACAA)
#25, 197 Hunter St. W
Peterborough, ON K9H 2J1

In Toronto
Anti-Racist Action-Toronto (ARA)
P.O. Box 291 Station B
Toronto, ON M5T 2T2
phone: 416-631-8835

In Kingston
Justice for Gentles Campaign
62 Montreal St.
Kingston, ON K7K 1M9
phone: 613-541-1823


Date: Thu, 21 Nov 96 20:29:35 -0800
From: Arm The Spirit <>
Subject: New Mexican Guerrilla Group Emerges With Manifesto



MEXICO CITY, Nov 21 (Reuter) - A new guerrilla force emerged
on Revolution Day with a manifesto calling for an end to
President Ernesto Zedillo's "anti-popular and repressive"
government, excerpts in several newspapers said on Thursday.

In the seven-page document, the Revolutionary Army of
Popular Insurgence (ERIP) declared it was an armed force "from
the people and for the people" and demanded Zedillo's
administration resign and call a special assembly to draft a new

The ERIP has not been heard of before but if its existence
is confirmed it would be Mexico's third guerrilla group to arise
in the last three years, after the Zapatista National Liberation
Army (EZLN), which launched an armed rebellion in the southern
state of Chiapas in January 1994, and the Popular Revolutionary
Army (EPR), which appeared in June of this year.

Zedillo and his key spokesmen were travelling in Asia and
there was no immediate government reaction to the rebel
manifesto, which was sent to media on Wednesday as Mexico
celebrated the 86th anniversary of its 1910 Revolution.

The ERIP manifesto said it saluted and supported the "heroic
gesture" of the armed struggle launched by the Zapatistas and the
EPR in defence of Mexico's poor.

"The ERIP is the armed expression of the popular masses who
are rising up to oppose the anti-popular, repressive and servile
policy of the current state which has been usurping power through
fraudulent elections based on a small minority."

The new group said it was made up of peasants, Indians and
workers as well as nationalist small businessmen who had been
"oppressed and exploited by the PRI-government." The PRI is the
Spanish acronym for the Institutional Revolutionary Party, which
has ruled Mexico for the past 67 years.

ERIP rebel activities would be concentrated in the centre
and north of Mexico, the manifesto said. The Zapatistas have
operated in the southernmost state of Chiapas and the EPR has
mostly attacked in the southern states of Oaxaca and Guerrero.

The appearance of the ERIP manifesto comes a week after
Zapatista leader Subcommander Marcos said new guerrilla groups
had sprung up in Mexico. "There are three or four armed groups
that the government does not want to recognise in (the states of)
Hidalgo, Oaxaca, Veracruz and Puebla," Marcos said.

Asked about Marcos's assertion in an interview with Reuters
on Tuesday, Zedillo said he had no knowledge of any new guerrilla
group apart from the Zapatistas or the EPR. "I don't know what
the intelligence sources of Marcos are," he said. "The only thing
I know is the EZLN ... and the EPR."

El Universal newspaper said on Thursday that locals had
spotted members of the new group since March in the mountains of
the remote Papaloapan region of Oaxaca, about 145 miles (230 km)
southeast of Mexico City near the border with Puebla state.

Residents in the area believed the new group might be led by
followers of "Commander Red", an army deserter named Jorge
Alberto Vasquez Gallardo who led a small rebel group from 1989
until he was shot to death by security forces in 1993, it said.

Arm The Spirit is an autonomist/anti-imperialist information
collective based in Toronto, Canada. Our focus includes a wide
variety of material, including political prisoners, national
liberation struggles, armed communist resistance, anti-fascism,
the fight against patriarchy, and more. We regularly publish our
writings, research, and translation materials in our magazine and
bulletins called Arm The Spirit. For more information, contact:

Arm The Spirit
P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A
Toronto, Ontario
M5W 1P7 Canada

FTP: --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit
ATS-L Archives:



_________________________________________________________________ (11-23) 09:45:43

BOGOTA, Colombia (AP) -- Armed men on Saturday pulled six
farmers from their homes in northern Colombia and shot them to
death in front of their families, the second massacre of peasants
in the region in as many days.

The attack occurred in Mariangola, 370 miles north of Bogota.

The gunmen said they were members of a paramilitary group in
the region that targets leftist guerrillas and suspected
sympathizers, police said.

On Friday, about 20 heavily armed paramilitaries entered the
small town of Rio Seco, 30 miles north of Mariangola, with a list
of suspected guerrilla sympathizers, dragged five men from their
homes and shot them to death, police said.

Paramilitary groups and leftist guerrillas clash throughout
Colombia, and peasants are often caught in the middle, accused of
being sympathizers for one or the other group.

Recently, the paramilitaries, who enjoy the tacit support of
the military, have stepped up killings and kidnappings of
relatives of top rebels.

Several rebel groups have been fighting the government for
more than 30 years. They have increasingly turned to kidnapping
and drug trafficking to fund their insurgency.



_________________________________________________________________ (11-23) 09:33:39

PARIS (AP) -- About 2,000 people marched through the French
capital Saturday, protesting six-month prison terms given to two
rap singers for insulting police during a concert.

The demonstrators said the sentences handed down last week
against French rappers Didier Morville and Bruno Lopes of the
group NTM violated their right to freedom of expression.

The pair were convicted for calling police ``fascists'' during
a concert in July 1995 near the Mediterranean port city of

``NTM condemned, culture muzzled, freedom ridiculed,'' the
protesters, mostly young people, chanted Saturday on Place de la
Republique. Others shouted, ``Police everywhere, justice

A Toulon court on Nov. 14 also banned the group from
performing in public for six months.

The group's lawyer, Michel Blum, has said he would appeal the


Date: Tue, 19 Nov 1996 20:56:09 +0100
Subject: (eng) "Police" by NTM


@@@ @ @@@ II II II II II II II I
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@ @ @ @ II II II II II II II
@ @@@@@@@@@ @ II II II II II II II
@@@ @@@ II II II II II II I II

- The alternative newsservice -



(Kool Shen - Joey Starr/DJ's)

Police: your papers, i.d. check
A phrase that's become classic, get used to it.
But in the hoods,
The cops have abused power abuse once too much,
So now the air feels electric
So no respect, no pity
You're going to regret it:
Never through repression will you get peace
Soul peace, human respect.
But this humanist notion ceaseas to exist when they put on their
They fully believe in form, afraid to be out of norm.
Even worse if by their book your color is wrong,
In fact a gang, organized, hierarchical,
Protected by the ruling autority.
They have guns, but they use them wrong.
How can you be defending the state,
When you are a heavy alcoholic? Often a deep idiot
The perfect description, the prototype of the asshole
That's why they love their job
That's why they step out of place.
You won't hear us say 'fuck the police'
But instead a special 'fuck your mother' from the mothercountry
of vice.
Mothermachine of braindead, mandated by Justice on whom I piss

They represent in no way the population,
What can I expect from the cop's laws?
For me it's just bullshit.
Look at me, I just have to pass near them,
The asshole becomes nervous:
"Oh, oh, police check, sir..."
Systematically they proceed,
Fealing my pockets, squeezing my balls
My only crime was to pass near them
A crime to their face of asshole.
Hunt the cops in the tunnels of the subway,
This is every night's dream of Joey Joe.
Give me bullets for the cops
Give me a gun ...

Just another forgotten file,
At the bottom of a drawer,
Because the order comes from high-up
Rotten at all levels,
You can't have a diplomat dealing coke
So they bury it up, they forget, bring in fake witnesses.
At the same time, some youth falls for a bit of hash
Sadly, I hear the public say:
"Look, I trust them"
Trust whom? Police, Justice... All mothers,
They are corrupt, they stink abuse;
I trust more the homeboys from my street, see?
No time to loose with empty words
Here's the deal:
Let's teach them a lesson to finally have our peace.

Up in 93, Seine Saint-Denis,
Chicago-bis, harbour of recedivists, mothercountry of vice,
I give you power, a keep ahead.
I transcent them, I play a game with
All the cops of France
Mercenaries in office at a proletarian militia,
They stink down the wind,
Too down-to-earth to temper or even diminish
The hereditary exuberance that's been here for so long
Pushing up prejudice
Stirring up animosity
Of even the smallest powder barril
Considered second rank by dignitaries
Of a government of couch-potatos
And of a justice too fake
To aprove off.
But sincerely, socially,
When it was still time
To take precautions;
Everything just went wrong, but how?
Never law-enforcement changes attitude
Allways out of place
I say, bad days ahead.
So, by the mothercountry of vice
>From all my accomplices
>From all the hoods
Before we take daylight away from them:
Fuck the police.

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