Tom Burghardt (
Thu, 14 Mar 1996 16:58:12 +0100

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||* -- SUPPLEMENT - * - March 10, 1996 - * - SUPPLEMENT -- * ||


Periodically, AFIB will post updates on topical events of
interest to subscribers. Unlike the regular weekly
bulletin, supplements will provide coverage of breaking
events and alternative views not found in the "mainstream"


CONTENTS: Supplement 15

1. (AFIB) Notice To Subscribers
2. (CAQ) Militarizing The Mexico - US Border {Part 1
of 3}
3. (NEW FLAG) Peru: PCP Guerrillas Rescued POW's
4. (ANON.) Canada: FagKilling Nazi Soldier Skum
5. (TS) Canada: Leading Neo-Nazi Ordered Out
6. (OMRI) Hungary: Neo-Nazis Acquitted
7. (UNITED) ONE RACE - HUMAN RACE: Europe-Wide Action
Week Against Racism
8. (AP) Pastor Apologizes For Plan To Hold "Slave
9. (ATS) Women Political Prisoners In The United
10. (AFIB) Vote No On <Rec.Music.White-Power>!


AFIB is experiencing a backlog of material from subscribers.
Please be patient if your contribution doesn't immediately
appear. Breaking news and time sensitive material is given
priority. Rest assured, it will be posted. Thank you for your
continuing support!


** Topic: Militarizing Mexico-US Border **
** Written 12:30 PM Mar 5, 1996 by caq in cdp:covertaction **

by Jose Palafox


In California's Imperial Valley, soldiers from an antidrug task
force hunker over night vision equipment to watch for illegal
border crossings. At the San Diego port of entry, National Guards
inspect vehicles. In the Arizona desert, heavily-armed Marines,
DEA agents, and the Border Patrol conduct joint patrols as
training exercises. Inside a nondescript building on an army
base near El Paso, military translators, linguists, and analysts
decipher intercepted messages and feed the results into massive,
interlinked databases. And in night skies across the Southwest,
the drone of military reconnaissance aircraft breaks the desert

These are scenes from an intensifying campaign being waged on the
US-Mexican border. A decade ago, the Reagan administration and an
overwrought Congress drafted the US military to help fight the
War on Drugs along the border. Now, in a significant break with
past policy, which officially limited the military's
crime-fighting mission to stopping illegal drugs, the Clinton
administration has broadened the Pentagon's role to include
suppressing the flow of undocumented immigrants.

In January, the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS)
unveiled a new battle plan to double US military and local law
enforcement along the border. This plan will build on the
formidable joint military-law enforcement infrastructure already
in place as part of the Pentagon's antidrug initiatives. In the
San Diego sector alone, some 350 members of Marine and Army units
more than double the current National Guard and Pentagon
contingent will help monitor electric sensors, staff night-vision
scopes, assist with communications and transportation, and
conduct aerial surveillance. *1

While the border region, and especially its Latino population,
bears the brunt of this policy, it is but the latest escalation
of military involvement in domestic law enforcement.

According to Mary Cheh, a constitutional and national security
law specialist at George Washington University School of Law, We
can easily become too comfortable with the integration between
the Army and law enforcement, she said. It starts slowly and
imperceptibly, but before you know it, there's very little
difference between [the two]. And that's dangerous. *2

For immigration rights activist Roberto Mart!nez, director of the
American Friends Service Committee office in San Diego, the
concern is less theoretical. The growing military presence at the
border is, he said, a low-intensity warfare against immigrants.
It's kind of like a war without guns. But then again, the Border
Patrol is already armed to the teeth. What are we going to have
next, an armed military at the border? *3

In fact, traditional bans on using the military as police have
eroded dramatically in the last decade. Exceptions created
expressly for antidrug operations cracked open the door; the
Clinton administration is opening it wider still in the
politically expedient campaign to thwart unwanted immigrants.


For more than a century, the post-Civil War Posse Comitatus Act
of 1878 banned military involvement in domestic law enforcement.
*4 But beginning with the Reagan administration, presidential and
congressional initiatives, abetted by compliant federal courts,
have chipped away at legal protections.

The first breach in the firewall came with the Defense
Authorization Act of 1982. To combat contraband both substances
and people that law permitted the military to provide equipment,
intelligence, and facilities to civilian law enforcement
agencies, and help train them. Although the act gave the military
a role in enforcing immigration laws as well as contraband, its
primary target was the cross-border drug traffic.5

Four years later, the breach grew larger. In 1986, the National
Narcotics Border Interdiction System, headed by Vice President
George Bush and Attorney General Edwin Meese, launched Operation
Alliance to foster interagency cooperation and interdict the
flow of drugs, weapons, aliens, currency, and other contraband
across the Southwest border. *6 This ongoing joint operation
coordinates the activities of at least 15 federal, state, and
local agencies, including the INS, FBI, DEA, Coast Guard, Customs
Service, Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms, Internal
Revenue Service, U.S. Marshals' Service, U.S. Attorney's Office,
and the Secret Service, as well as the Department of Defense and
the National Guard. *7

The Defense Authorization Act of 1989, passed as a fulminating
George Bush waved bags of crack cocaine at television viewers,
expanded and formalized the military's role in drug law
enforcement. The act assigned the Pentagon three statutory
missions: to integrate the various US command, control,
communications and intelligence (C *3I) assets to monitor illegal
drugs; to enhance the National Guard's role in drug interdiction
and enforcement operations; and to serve as the lead agency in
detecting and monitoring the transportation of drugs into the US.

Both the House and Senate versions of the act would have given
the military the power to arrest drug law violators. These
provisions were killed in conference committee primarily because
of opposition from the Pentagon, which hesitated to take on a
direct policing mission. Also killed in conference was a House
provision that would have required the Defense Department to
seal the US-Mexico border. *9

The 1991 Defense Authorization Act broadened military drug
enforcement powers still further. It allowed the Pentagon to
establish antidrug operations bases and training facilities and
to train federal, state, and local agencies (and foreign
governments). With the 1991 act, Congress authorized the military
to carry out aerial and ground antidrug reconnaissance near and
outside US borders.

Unlike National Guard members, who may be deputized, US military
personnel still do not have the power to arrest criminal law
violators with very limited exceptions.10 But after more than a
decade of explicit presidential and congressional orders to
enlist, the Pentagon is involved in just about every other aspect
of drug law enforcement. And while soldiers cannot make arrests,
their rules of engagement for border support duties permit them
to shoot to kill if they or accompanying law enforcement
personnel are endangered.11

In the decade since Operation Alliance began, the Pentagon and
federal law enforcers have put in place a joint civil-military
apparatus that can easily adapt to a new mission on the border.
Not only does the military have a working relationship with the
Border Patrol, Customs, the FBI and other agencies, its antidrug
efforts have already indirectly helped curb the flow of unwanted
immigrants. As just one example, when Army engineers build roads
along the frontier to help the Border Patrol catch smugglers,
those roads also enhance the agency's immigration control


The keystone of the Pentagon's antidrug effort under Operation
Alliance is the El Paso-based Joint Task Force 6 (JTF-6). Set up
in November 1989 at the Biggs Army Airfield adjacent to Fort
Bliss, JTF-6 grew out of President Bush's National Drug Control
Drug Strategy. According to the US Army, from 1990 to 1993, JTF-6
conducted 1,260 antidrug support missions, most of them
operational, i.e., patrols, exercises designed to flood drug
smuggling corridors with military personnel, and intelligence
support.12 In a clear sign of the military's rapidly expanding
role even before officially taking on immigration, in the first
six months of 1995 alone, the number of support requests approved
jumped to more than 4,000.13

The number of troops involved is substantial. According to Brian
Sheridan, head of the Pentagon's Drug Enforcement Policy and
Support Office, on any given day approximately 4,600 soldiers are
working counter-drug operations. *14 (That number is already
increasing as the Pentagon takes on immigration.) While many are
soldiers or National Guards on temporary assignments, including
mundane tasks such as motor pool maintenance, several hundred are
on permanent Drug War duty. They include 50 Special Forces
soldiers who provide year-round training to civilian police
agencies. These Special Forces units account for roughly
one-third of JTF-6 antidrug missions.15

All told, the Pentagon is spending about $800 million a year to
help enforce the drug trafficking laws alone. Its missions,
carried out to assist primarily the Border Patrol and Customs
the designated lead enforcement agencies on the border fall into
several categories:

* Ground and aerial reconnaissance, including sensors, listening
posts, observation posts, ground surveillance radar, and ground

* Training in patrol techniques, helicopter insertions and
extractions, operations and intelligence, and Advanced Military
Operations on Urbanized Terrain.

* Logistical support, primarily engineering projects such as
barrier erection, road repair, and range construction.

* Research to identify and demonstrate technologies combining
military and law enforcement applications.

Describing the relationship between law enforcement agencies and
JTF-6, task force commander Lt. Gen. George Stotser commented:
Joint Task Force 6's relationship with law enforcement, in my
view, is one of total integration. *16

{End Part 1}


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** Topic: PERU: PCP Guerrillas Rescued POWs. **
** Written 10:00 PM Feb 18, 1996 by in cdp:alt.pol.rad-left **
From El Diario Internacional N0. 27, January 1996.


In a violent military clash, a Maoist contigent of the People's
Army of Liberation (EPL) of 50 guerrilla fighters, many of them
women, attacked a police convoy and freed 8 prisoners of war. The
rescue action took place on Central Highway between the
departments of Huanuco and Cerro de Pasco. The armed clash took
place at 4:00 a.m. on 7 December 1995.


The military convoy was made up of 30 military in 2 "Commando"
type vehicles (armored). The 8 prisoners were in one of the
vehicles, heavily escorted by a dozen police with rifles and
submachine guns. The 8 Communist fighters had been captured in
the first days of December, 1995. The regime claimed that these
prisoners of war were high comamders of the Maoist guerrilla and
it was for that reason that the counterinsurgency war chiefs
decided to transport them to Lima and subject them to the
National Intelligence Service (SIN) "scientific" treatment.

For an entire week the PCP had carefully prepared "Operation
Rescue." The orders by the People's Army were sharp and clear
cut: "To save the lives of the captured comrades." It was known
that SIN had plans to murder the Maoists during the
interrogations. The PCP designated the guerrilla task force who
would be responsible of leading the action.

On the night before the full operative was ready for combat. The
guerrilla column was divided in three groups. One part, made up
of 30 combatants armed with light rifles and grenade launchers,
would take part in the initial frontal assault against the police
vehicles. The mission of this group was to protect and rescue the
prisoners. Another group with 10 combatants would remain in the
neighborhood as contingency against possible enemy land or air
reinforcements, to help the military convoy. A third part made
up of 10 comrades, heavily armed with missiles and bazookas would
be in charge exclusively of covering the retreat of the gross of
the column at the end of the encounter.

The attack on the convoy would be done out in the open. The
target (the Army) would be moving. It had high military risks.
Time and circumstances had not permitted to properly plan an
ambush. The encounter would be on the open highway.

Assaulting the Police Convoy

It was 4:00 a.m. and still before dawn. The narrow highway went
on curving around the mountains, just at the start of the Andes.
The two police troop carrying trucks were barely two gray spots
on the dark scenary. Far away, without police noticing them,
appeared the two vehicles carrying the 50 revolutionary soldiers.
Suddenly one of the PCP vehicles sped on, passed the first police
vehicle, and once in front of it hit the brakes. Simultaneously
the second revolutionary vehicle placed itself behind the last
police vehicle: the convoy was immobilized. Instantly the
revolutionary soldiers began the assault and fierce offensive. A
grenade exploded in the middle of the truck carrying the gross of
the police.

The clash was quick and violent. Most police fled to the
neighboring bushes and hills. Some bodies of police torn apart by
the explosions of rockets and dynamite remained on the floor of
the trucks. The rescue commando entered the vehicle where the 8
prisoners were still chained. A policeman attempted to reach his
weapon but was prevented from doing so by a revolutionary. The
surviving police members surrendered and begged for mercy which
was granted. They gave up their weapons and thereafter were
allowed to tend to their wounded.


In another guerrila action, an army counterinsurgency patrol with
40 reactionary soldiers was intercepted by PCP contingent made of
60 Maoist revolutionary combatants. The clash took place on 16
December 1995 in the Nuevo Progreso district of the San Martin
department. More than a dozen membsre of the reactionary Army
were killed in the action. The Joint Command of the reactionary
Armed Forces only acknowledged 7 dead effectives, among them a
high ranking officer.

The guerrilla column patiently waited at the site called "Victor
Andres Belaunde" for the No. 313 counterinsurgency battalion to
go through. The site was appropriate for an ambush because the
passage was narrow, the site was full of large trees and abundant
other vegetation, and the reactionary soldiers had to pass
through there in order to return to their headquarters. The
revolutionary soldiers were in combat position. The first
reactionary army vehicle showed up: an anti-tank rocket exploded
right in the middle of the vehicle; soldiers jumped out as result
of the explosion. Immediately the revolutionary column, divided
into several rapid assault groups, surrounded the army convoy and
launched a fierce attack with rifle fire and "pineapple type"
fragmentation grenades.

In 30 minutes the revolutionary soldiers had vanquished and
forced to surrender the reactionary army patrol. A dozen
reactionary army officers were killed, and at least 10 seriously
wounded remained on the field. Before retreating the
revolutionary column took the weapons and means of communications
of the captured regime troops, dynamited the regime's vehicles
and set free the surviving reactionary soldiers to tend to their

Published by The New Flag
30-08 Broadway, Suite 159
Queens, NY 11106

** End of text from cdp:alt.pol.rad-left **


{Editor's note: The following is a special report on the murder
of a gay man by Canadian soldiers linked to neo-Nazi groups. The
author has requested anonymity}

Subject: FagKilling Nazi Soldier Skum
Date: 07 Mar 1996 03:54:31 GMT

Five years after the fact, police have arrested several
neo-nazis for the fag-killing of Gordon Kuhtey of Winnipeg.
Robert Eugene Welsh (age 24, of winnipeg), James Russel Lisik
(age 22, of Penticton British columbia) and Matt McKay (age 25,
of Calgary) have been arrested, and a Canada-wide warrant has
been issued for the arrest of Gary Allen Kuffner (age 27, of
Winnipeg). Kuhtey was kicked and beaten to death in June 1991, in
an area that had been the scene of numerous other attacks on gay

An entire chapter was devoted to Matt McKay in Warren
Kinsella's book *Web of Hatred*, amply detailing his ties in 1990
to the Manitoba Knights of the Ku Klux Klan and the
Winnipeg-based Final Solution Skinheads (now defunct). According
to Kinsella, members of Final Solution Skinheads actively
distributed publications like *The Klansman*, *Storm Warning* and
*Vanguard*. Other members of the gang have been prosecuted in