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(en) federacion anarquista de rosario: SITUATION ANALYSIS: LATIN AMERICA TODAY, COVID AND A NEW CYCLE OF STRUGGLES (ca, de, it, pt)[machine translation]

Date Tue, 28 Sep 2021 10:32:58 +0300

The expansion of Covid 19 and its new strains has been wreaking havoc on our continent. Thousands of deaths per day, especially from the popular classes. Either in those countries like Brazil where a genocide takes place due to the inaction of the State and the Bolsonaro government, or those more liberal, there are no effective measures in health care, but much less in terms of social needs. Hunger, unemployment, precariousness, have increased with this unfolding economic-health crisis. Everything seems to indicate that the situation will get worse and that we will once again be the ones from below who will pay for the broken dishes of the party from above.

However, beyond the fear of contagion and the restriction measures that have been imposed country by country, the people have been on the streets. Since the beginning of the pandemic, there have been mobilizations in Colombia against hunger and for mutual aid among those below with the phenomenon of "red rags." New mobilizations also took place in Ecuador and Chile, in the latter country despite the constituent process that has diverted the struggle from the streets to the polls and with parliamentary perspectives. Of course, Piñera's response was once again the brutal repression and arrest of numerous protesters, showing off being one of the countries with the largest number of political prisoners on the continent.

Political instability has become a characteristic of this stage in Latin America, together with a massive presence of people in the streets, with outbursts and powerful demonstrations, which are far from being specific. There is an open stage on the continent.

In El Salvador, the people won the streets and burned down the Ministry of Finance due to the strong budget cuts and adjustment policy of the Nayib Bukele government. In Costa Rica and Guatemala the peoples are mobilizing more recently for meaningful social demands and rights.

Also in Peru and Bolivia there were people in the streets and on the roads facing coups. The popular mobilization in Bolivia generated the departure of Jeannine Añez; no matter how much it has been carried out through elections, it was the people on the street that overflowed and opened the possibility of the departure of the fascists from the government. And it is clear that no matter how many trials there are, the problem of power in Bolivia has not been resolved: the white, fascist and reactionary ruling classes are still crouched there waiting to strike and a growing political polarization is evident at the social level.

In Peru, the mobilization was combative in tone against a new coup of the parliamentary or "soft" type. There were three presidents in this period who did not finish their mandate. This situation leads to what we are experiencing today as a strong popular mobilization against the return intentions of Fujimori, which resulted in the promotion of Pedro Castillo to the government, but which in the background can transcend and surpass any electoral initiative.

In Brazil, popular mobilization has waned throughout this period, but something has been done, the people are not asleep. The truth is that there is a strong political instability, where the military is gaining ground day by day and it is not known exactly what will happen. There are even rumors of a "state of siege" or of a direct coup.

Argentina and Uruguay

In Argentina, the context, on the one hand, shows the lack of judgment and the hesitancy of the Alberto Fernández government. This is evident in the tens of thousands of infected per day, record deaths, a centralization of the health agenda, and the imposition of curfews and restrictions, shifting the responsibility for the health crisis to youth and social gatherings. All this at the same time that public transport, factories and other workplaces are crowded with people, exposing a prioritization of business interests over the health of workers. On the other hand, we see a reactionary electoral opposition and anti-rights, which curiously speaks of "freedoms", struggling in fact for the protection of business interests.

Political instability has become a characteristic of this stage in Latin America, together with a massive presence of people in the streets, with outbursts and powerful demonstrations, which are far from being specific. There is an open stage on the continent.

In the case of Uruguay, the majority leadership of the popular movement played to contain the mobilization during the pandemic. It was not celebrated on May 1, except for the historic Cerro - Teja Column, and measures of struggle were not called for the most part. The strategy was focused on collecting signatures to plebiscite the Urgent Consideration Law. The necessary minimum number of signatures was reached, exceeding their number, and this generated a lift in the popular mood. As a result of this, and the start of wage discussions and the employer offensive, major conflicts developed in fishing (strike that ended victorious), conflicts in various work centers (in the case of the meat processing sector) and various mobilizations of state and private workers .

Although vaccination against Covid has reached a significant percentage of the population, mortality has already decreased, the economic and repressive adjustment that has been applied is being tough. Fuel prices are readjusted monthly and the objective is to privatize the sector and the state refinery.

Haiti and Paraguay

The struggle of the Haitian people against the various dictatorships and imperialist intervention is long-standing. Struggle strong, which mobilizes millions of people in the streets, has seen another important growth this year, after Juvenal Möise, who had dissolved parliament, illegally extended his presidential term and indefinitely postponed elections and in fact became a dictator. The dictator was assassinated by an obscure operation, by a group of mostly Colombian mercenaries, former active military, linked to paramilitary forces and Uribe, hired by a Venezuelan company in Miami and financed by Haitian businessmen, with clear articulation from the north imperial. The Haitian people continue to resist,

For their part, the Paraguayan people managed to take to the streets and star in a rejection of Mario Abdo's mismanagement, expressed in the worsening of the social crisis, in the saturation of intensive care beds and in shocking numbers of deaths from Covid. This adds to the structural situation in Paraguay, with a corrupt administration that governs hand in hand with the narco-power of Horacio Cartes. All this has unleashed the indignation and popular fury, observed in the fires of several places of the Colorado Party (ANR) and the Palace of Justice. Even the peasant movement has arrived in Asunción occupying squares and public spaces, and indigenous groups took to the roads to express their anger. Everyone shouting "Out Marito."

In response, the Government attacked with repression and imprisonment of militants from the popular camp, who managed to be freed as a result of popular pressure.

Chile and Colombia: riots and popular presence

In the Chilean region, the effects of the social upheaval and the pandemic continue to deepen a social, economic and political crisis marked by the deepening of the permanent state of exception. For several weeks the electoral agenda (elections for constituents, mayors and presidential primaries) has taken the juncture. The low participation marked by the generalized discredit towards the political parties that have administered state power in recent decades, the retreat of the right and social democracy and a supposed "left-wing" in society (high vote of the Communist Party, the Frente Broad and the nascent List of the town), mark this process.

This process of "left-wing" does not exist as it is proposed at the institutional level, rather the electorate represents with this vote a will for changes, by confirming that these will not come through the path of the right and the center-left. The vote, therefore, is directed at the forces of the left as a manifestation of those possible transformations.

Although we understand that the electoral issue is a necessary element to analyze, our concerns and paths also go down another path. We have seen how this entire Restitution Process and the Pandemic have hindered the development of social protest, and as punishment has made our class cornered between poverty, debt and artificial respirators, generating an uncomfortable silence.

For us, the Social Revolt that started in October 2019 is not something linear, but rather a contradictory process, of advance and retreat, of offensive and withdrawal. For this reason, in these moments when social protest is weak and institutional action is being strengthened, it is essential to recover the presence in the streets, but not in an aesthetic or symbolic sense, but from the strengthening of popular and social organizations. territorial, which should increase the levels of dialogue and coordination, in order to build programmatic and tactical agreements, agitated from mobilization and direct action. The popular movement of the Chilean region requires a plan of struggle of the revolutionary, anti-capitalist and anti-authoritarian sectors, where the liberation of political prisoners,

The unsustainable situation of political prisoners is worrying: punishments and transfers, added to the confinement itself, have various colleagues in a critical situation. Many have been imprisoned for more than a year, without trial and without evidence, the real intentions of the State being clear in terms of punishing the struggle and the organization. That is why we call for international solidarity to achieve their freedom.

In the case of Colombia, we will analyze aspects such as public health, the economic situation, the political moment, human rights and the armed conflict, as well as the national strike on April 28 and the development of other social struggles.

In terms of public health, the country is one of the worst-managed the coronavirus pandemic and the socio-health crisis worldwide. Exceeding the 125,890 confirmed deaths and the 4'940,000 cases by Covid-19 for September 20, Colombia is the tenth state with the most deaths and registered cases in the world, as well as the fourth with the most fatalities in Latin America.

The government health policy, after a slow start and dotted with reports of corruption, increased the rate of vaccination under a public-private partnership model, reaching 32% of the population and the number of 16.1 million people fully vaccinated. , although important shortcomings persist in the tracking and prevention of cases, economic and regional inequalities and a great problem of supplying second doses of vaccines.

Regarding the economic situation, the country experienced an uneven recovery of its productive activity with a growth of 9.4% in the first seven months of the year, after the deep crisis of 2020, with a faster reactivation in trade and services , which exceeded the percentages of activity prior to the pandemic, and slower in other sectors such as employment, since unemployment is around 14.3% in July and 3.4 million people without work, which is notably worse in the case of women who they reach 18.8% and the young population reaches 23.3%. Since the month of May, a rapid and uncontrolled reopening of many economic activities occurred at the height of the peak of the third wave of the pandemic, which generated images of transport, offices and crowded places of leisure.

A key part of government policy went through the adjustment policy condensed in the Tax Reform, with which it was expected to collect up to 35 trillion pesos and overcome the worsening of the fiscal deficit and the increase in foreign debt. However, the government found it necessary to withdraw its project as a result of the historic national strike, which also led to the resignation of Finance Minister Alberto Carrasquilla. However, three months later, the Uribista administration advanced a small tax reform, which partially increases the tax on companies, with which it hopes to collect 15 billion pesos.

In political matters, in the third year of the government of Iván Duque del Centro Democrático, the ultraconservative administration maintains historically low levels of support and popularity, with 75% disapproval. However, the government coalition led by the Democratic Center and made up of neoconservative forces such as the Conservative Party and the U Party, the fundamentalist Christians of MIRA and Colombia Justa-Libres and the chameleons of the Independent Social Alliance, maintains thanks to its alliances with other forces, its majority in the legislature and the regional power, as well as the support of an important part of the mainstream press and its strong alliance with the bosses gathered in the National Trade Union Council, aligned with Duque in his neoliberal agenda and repression of protest.

After the national strike, the government showed internal cracks with the toughest sectors of Uribe, for which it imposed a shift that deepened its right-wing direction, with a security agenda with policies such as the military intervention in Bogotá and Barranquilla to face the supposed crisis of urban insecurity and an option of impunity for official crimes.

Regarding the human rights situation, the murder of social leaders, especially rural, environmental and ethnic, continues and there have already been 116 homicides so far this year against these activists in 2021 according to Indepaz. On the other hand, key projects of the Peace Agreement signed between the State and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) in 2016, continue to be blocked, especially in terms of restitution of land for victims, who in 5 years have executed 3% of what was agreed.

In addition, in the field of armed conflict, the intensity of the phenomena of forced displacement of peasant and black populations in regions such as Antioquia and the Pacific increases, due to the increase in armed confrontation between paramilitary groups and the insurgency of the National Liberation Army ( ELN) and the armed dissidents of the FARC with up to 45,000 displaced persons in the first half of the year, according to the Ombudsman's Office. There was also a humanitarian crisis on the Colombian-Venezuelan border, due to the clashes in the regions of Arauca and Apure between the FARC dissidents sector led by Gentil Duarte and the Venezuelan Guard, with much impact on the communities of the region. .

On the other hand, in a historical event for the social struggles of the country, the national strike on April 28 took place, which began a days of national protest with massive mobilizations and blockades in up to 800 populations, which lasted at least during May, June and July, with an axis in Cali and the south west of the country. According to Indepaz, the protests that resulted in at least 80 fatalities due to state and state repression until the month of July, constitute an important historical milestone, assuming a partial overcoming of the major protest days of November-December 2019, with a magnitude similar to those of the civic national of September 14, 1977.

In terms of other social struggles, the mobilization of state teachers against the return to classroom without biosafety conditions is developed, which lead to the seizure of the facilities of the District Education Secretariat (SED) of Bogotá, in the face of inaction against the increase in cases of contagion. Roadblocks were also presented in June by the Cerrejón coal workers who were fired after last year's long and victorious strike, as well as a hunger strike by fired Nutresa workers in Cúcuta against outsourcing and public employees of the mayor of Sabanalarga for its specifications. In addition, there are mobilizations of urban recycling workers for payment of resources owed by the State in Bogotá,


In Brazil, the recent protests in opposition to the genocidal government of Jair Bolsonaro open a new scenario not seen since the beginning of the pandemic. We went from a moment of absence of street mobilizations to another of some popular resistance in the streets to the death policies of Bolsonarism. Because as many social activists have said, when the government is more lethal than the virus, it is time to go out on the streets. So far, there have been three national mobilizations, with a certain unity of the left, reaching more than two hundred cities in the country.

The country exceeds 500 thousand deaths from Covid-19 in a context of worsening working conditions, the cost of living is increasingly expensive and the population's immunization rate to the virus remains very low. The emergency aid diminished and what was already a negligible value that did not reach the minimum to survive, now it is even worse. The number of unemployed reaches 14.7 million people, while the value of the food basket and kitchen gas grows in several capitals.

At the top, on the one hand, sectors of the opposition to Bolsonaro are trying to use the Covid CPI to destabilize the government and weaken it even towards the presidential elections of 2022. This is also the policy of the reformist left and the union bureaucracies and popular movements aligned with the "betterist" project, which still has the Workers' Party and Lula as its maximum expression. They also seek the "impeachment" of the president, and although there are innumerable requests, the departure of the president is the least likely scenario. The military are the faithful of Bolsonaro's balance and although there are rumors of an internal dispute in the armed forces, the number of soldiers occupying various areas and sectors of the state machine only grows and the project of military power, base of the slave and colonial social formation of the country, gains strength and even greater presence in the political life of the State. All this without the need for a military coup.

In addition to this, Bolsonaro is increasingly aligned with the center in the National Congress, and together with the old political oligarchies, he advances in his projects that directly attack the rights of indigenous and quilombolas peoples and their ancestral territories and the rights of the whole. of the oppressed classes of the country.

In addition to the national mobilizations against the genocidal State and its government of the day, the indigenous peoples and quilombolas have constantly mobilized, as well as the application workers have made their experience of confronting the terrible working conditions and the public servants, whether they are municipalities or states have resisted the removal of rights. But it is still necessary for the feeling of indignation to reach the most precarious sectors and the black people and the periphery, which is the majority of the country.


We said in previous statements and analysis of the situation together with other sister organizations from other continents that these times are of struggle on a global level, and this is especially true in Latin America. It is a cycle of struggles that is on the rise and is opening right now. It was already being developed at the end of 2019 and was stopped by the Covid, but in one way or another it has been retaken.

Although the social and health crisis has generated, above all, a scene of brutal adjustment, layoffs and greater control over the population, the neglect and eagerness of the political class and the capitalists were exposed in an obscene way. Popular rejection is not decimated, but is generating new organized responses, from different sectors, throughout the continent, knowing that only the people will fight for their own interests. Against the speeches of resignation or accommodation to the institutions of the system, these people rise up that say: enough!

The effects of the application of the neoliberal model have generated these situations of misery, despair and rebellion in more than four decades. This model needs to be deepened for its development, with or without a pandemic, and it is foreseen that greater social contingents will swell the belts of poverty and misery, the repression will deepen and the entire legal legal apparatus that protects it, will benefit the agro-export model and the interests of big capital. All the actors and institutions that ask for a loosening and a certain state interventionism seem to have no echo in the political class or in those who carry out the policies of the system in the region. But as we said, it is an open stage, of instability and there may be some changes of governments that enable some loosening of those below, as progressivism did at the beginning of the 2000s, but it did not touch or change anything fundamental about the system. The classical reforms were conspicuous by their absence, practically. And at this stage there will be few changes that can be made via governments, since the political margin for them is smaller than 20 years ago.

The right has played its cards very well, that same right that many considered dead is there, massacring towns, repressing and condemning hunger. Allied as always to the United States, which is now putting pressure on Cuba by increasing the economic blockade on the island and by deploying a campaign of media disinformation on a Spanish-American scale. The meeting of the XIV Atlantic Forum held on July 9 in Madrid with representatives of the Latin American and Spanish right is no coincidence; event sponsored by Fundación Libertad and Red Atlas. Just days before the start of this anti-Cuba campaign.

However, this cannot hide the discomfort and legitimate protests of an important sector of the Cuban population before the government and the consequences of the planned opening to capitalism that has been developing, as well as the repression deployed by the Cuban State.

Therefore, in this stage where the model of adjustment and dispossession deepens and the North American empire increases its action on the continent; and on the other hand, the people flood the streets and roads, we Latin American specific anarchists understand that it is the people who must conquer their rights by dint of their struggle and leadership. That is why we speak of the construction of Popular Power, that is, of spaces and organizational experiences of direct democracy, self-managed, and that prefigure the society we long for. That is why we propose the creation of a Front of Oppressed Classes, which groups and reunites programmatically and in the struggle the various organized popular sectors (the working and peasant class, the unemployed, students and inhabitants of popular neighborhoods, indigenous and black peoples. ,

Our Latin America has a long history of struggles and revolutions, of popular rebellions, and there they are, fertilizing this cycle of struggles that is still open and the last word has not been said.





Uruguayan Anarchist Federation (FAU)

Brazilian Anarchist Coordination (CAB)

Anarchist Federation of Rosario (FAR)

Santiago Anarchist Federation (FAS)

Libertarian Group Vía Libre (Colombia )

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