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Date Sat, 27 Mar 2021 10:50:53 +0300

Wide and deep debate has been generated in the trade union and popular movement, and also through the press, with the participation of actors who have nothing to do with the trade union organizations about the suspension of the PIT CNT police "union", until a Congress analyzes and defines its situation. ---- For a long time, the Coordination of Trade Unions has been raising the discussion of the relevance or not of the integration of the police "union" in the PIT CNT. This discussion became more relevant after the repression of a march against UPM in 2019. It is there that unions of various branches such as railways, postal, taximeter, energy and water, public and private education, graphics, fishing, municipal Refrigerators, are installing the issue, either directly in the Representative Table of the Convention and / or in their respective base unions and at the national level. Other union groups do the same.
FAU militancy has actively participated in the trade union milieu in this process, promoting the outright expulsion of this obscene. All our militancy has taken this issue for several years as an axis of agitation and we have placed it in every possible way on the table, not in the press, but in propaganda and in the debate between workers.
But on the other hand, the conjunction of voices that have come out to defend those suspended is striking. A wave of indignation runs through the bourgeois and yellow press, politicians of all stripes, especially from the rancid right wing and from the reformist currents of the trade union movement. All in unison shouting and shouting against this legitimate decision of the Representative Board, and also using all the media tools to place in public opinion the idea that the police officers who make up the "union" are "poor people who have been attacked" and the unions that they promote the suspension of "some ultras" or "some late-night ones", who little longer live "with their eyes on the back of their heads", as Sanguinetti would say so many times.
Labor union?
The question should be asked, since a union supposes a set of instances and actions where workers participate, carry out fighting measures, negotiate with employers, etc. None of this is verified in this case. They are forbidden to carry out strikes and assemblies in their workplaces, to disrespect authority and they do not have the practice of challenging such mandates and impositions. On the other hand, they have not starred in any concrete measure of struggle throughout this period and they have not shown solidarity with anyone.
More than a union, Sipfom has corporate components, and its official adherence to the repressive policies that are being carried out is also clear, pointing out that they are closer to the government in power -and Minister Jorge Larrañaga- because it takes into account with greater determination their proposals, and they indicate that they are in favor of the Law of Urgent Consideration, the legal framework of the repressive policy to come, and that it is being applied from now on.
The police "union" applauds the policies of the Ministry of the Interior and the statements of the Minister, who comes out in defense of the suspension. And his legal representative thinks politically, as just another union leader and not as his lawyer. His lawyer is Andrés Ojeda, alternate candidate for mayor for Montevideo of the "multicolored coalition."
But above all things, any worker knows that a military man is not an equal, he is not a worker. This popular lore has been forged over centuries and is part of the lore of our class.
This goes back a long way.
In 2005, when the Frente Amplio took office, the Ministry of the Interior at the time launched a policy to allow police "unionization", which had an immediate correlation in the majority leadership of the PIT CNT, opening the doors of the Convention to the Police. It was a de facto process, which was whittled away by stumbling, especially since there were several police "unions".
It was a double operation: from the government to "democratize" the police and try to co-opt them for the purposes of progressivism. For this, they were even granted salary increases well above any worker or worker. Today, a newly hired Grenadier as an Interior Ministry official earns more than a teacher with several years of seniority.
On the other hand, the reformist currents of the PIT CNT lent themselves to this "democratizing" attempt by the repressive forces, with Fernando Pereira being the leader who sheltered the police "union" under his wing.
It is at least curious this acceptance of the police as workers and their "unions" as part of the organized working class, in a union movement like the Uruguayan, with a long history and accumulation of experiences and struggle, always facing police repression. .
Applying the club
As soon as Lacalle Pou took office, the first measure that was taken was to bring together all the new police chiefs and provide "work guidelines." The increased patrolling and the return of the milicada on horseback was evident. Several complaints were made public about police abuses. Pandemic and health emergency released a bit, but then they returned to the load. Operations are carried out against Candombe comparsas where women of Afro origin were especially repressed. Several detainees, beaten people, go to court, etc.
And Sipfom supports this repression and points out that it "complied with protocol," "acted according to regulations" and attorney Ojeda also supports and supports it.
The events that occurred in Malvín Norte, where policemen fired pellets with shotguns at two women and had to retreat before the fury of the neighbors, speak clearly of the essence of the police action. Or going back a few years, the murder of Sergio Lemos in Santa Catalina. Or the eviction of the Codicen in 2015, the repression of the Buquebus workers, the arrest of the road transport workers for holding an assembly at the door of the Montes del Plata plant, the attempted eviction of the Bimbo workers and the repression of the mobilization against UPM, are some of the examples of the last years that we can mention.
The operations in the neighborhoods have not stopped. Under the pretext of the pandemic, they added the air patrol, the famous helicopter that flies over the city and the coast as in a war operation.
The "new police" of Bonomi ... and the "old" of Lacalle Pou
During the administration of the FA led by Bonomi, an attempt was made to wash the face of such a disastrous institution and there was talk of "the new police." Lacalle Pou returned to the "old police", who was the protagonist of the repression of the Filter at the time of the government of Lacalle Sr.
Beyond a certain "internal" among the police leadership, the repressive apparatus has been technically advanced in an important way during the last 15 years, but as Sipfom himself recognizes "they are the same police as always."
A rotten institution
The police are not a neutral institution, and neither is the state. Those from the field of the left and the union movement who try to justify the affiliation of the police "union" to the PIT CNT on the need to "infiltrate" the police forces ... have a poor reading of reality, to say the least.
Confusing the Uruguayan police (and / or military) forces with the Armies formed by peasants in Russia in the First World War or pretending that the police here may participate in some revolutionary event, is worthy of political myopia or deception and self-deception that no one can swallow. First, because we are talking about distant situations in time and that have nothing to do with our reality; and second, because the Uruguayan police have never shown any signs of trying to participate in actions of a popular nature. On the contrary, they are the force that is on the side of the bosses when an eviction or attempted eviction from an occupied workplace occurs, those who have repressed various mobilizations, arbitrarily detained people on the street, etc.
The function of the Police as an institution is repression. They are the repressive and armed arm of the State. Its function is to repress and protect private property, the fundamental basis of the capitalist system. Police officers must fulfill both functions. Therefore, it is worth asking, what are they doing at the PIT CNT?
It is the same police institution to which the torturer Castiglioni belonged, idolized by the police personnel and from whom a plaque in his honor at the Intelligence Directorate has been placed and then removed. By the way, let's say that intelligence officials ("strips") continue to be infiltrated in all the mobilizations of the popular camp. Their participation is to collect information for the subsequent repression and set up of legal cases, they do not participate as a sign of "support" for those struggles.
It is the same institution that assassinated the construction worker Guillermo Machado in times of post-dictatorship raids, the first government of Sanguinetti and Morroni and Facal in the Filter. It is the same institution that murdered Líber Arce, Heber Nieto and all the student martyrs ...
Their participation was key when the armed forces took "institutional control of the country" at the end of 1971, being part of the "Joint Forces". Torture was done in its premises, Intelligence being a place of passage for hundreds of militants by the prod, the tacho and the blows.
This institution was also part of the Dictatorship, in that period it continued with the actions outlined above. Several policemen were part of the "task forces" that operated here and in Argentina, kidnapping and torturing colleagues, disappearing and murdering, kidnapping children and babies ... An infamous institution.
It is a key institution in the State, especially in the bourgeois State, that is, as the armed wing of the bourgeois class. Of course, the bourgeoisie are not going to get their hands dirty, for that is that infamous apparatus full of people who have been sown hatred for those below and love for authority. Even today, a large part of the femicides occur at the hands of those who make up this repressive apparatus.
A glorious past of the trade union movement
The Uruguayan trade union movement was built in the heat of innumerable and powerful struggles, strikes, direct actions, which were always harshly repressed by the Police. Hundreds are the disappeared and disappeared and thousands are the prisoners who inhabited the prisons of the dictatorship that belong or belonged to the Uruguayan trade union movement. We find it hard to believe that those generations of such tough and combative militants such as León Duarte, Gerardo Gatti and also others from other stores, if they were here, would agree to "unionize" the Police. For something in his time that was not considered, not even the most stubborn reformists dared to raise it, perhaps even to think about it.
And it is easy and simple: the Police can only produce "people" of the ilk of West (Montevideo's police chief at the beginning of the 20th century), Campos Hermida, and other series of infamous murderers; truly class popular organizations produce another type of human being: a fighter, combative, supportive, and with an eye on a new world.
That is why it is necessary to strengthen the trade union organizations and class tendencies and groupings within them, in order to strengthen the positions of struggle and dignity in the trade union movement. It is possible to advance fighting, joining with other workers and other workers, being very clear about who is the class enemy and the institutions that it uses to perpetuate its privileges.
The anarchists of FAU are in that perspective, leaning our shoulders in the struggles and in the construction of a classist and combative trade union movement. Only with a class policy will the unions be strengthened and will be able to stop the repressive advance and that of the bosses.
If this line of work is deepened, consolidating class groupings in each union with a clear work orientation, there are possibilities of strengthening the struggle and replicating the efforts of all colleagues.
This perspective is not new, it is that of Gatti and León Duarte, that of Washington Pérez and Trías, that of Blas Facal and Wellington Galarza, that of Juana Rouco Buela and Virginia Bolten, and that of all the sons and daughters of the town who have built our trade union movement, class, combat, solidarity and with a socialist and libertarian perspective. We must continue that path.


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