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(en) cab anarquista: [FARPA-AL]Our rights at the business counter: Arthur Lira's way of operating and the "Centrão" (ca, de, it, pt)[machine translation]

Date Fri, 12 Mar 2021 09:32:01 +0200

The attention in Brasilia turns to Centrão, in the face of movements as typical as illustrative of the way in which they operate, their physiologist objective that does not even make an effort to disguise the desire to accumulate using the rights of the population. It was not so long ago that its current leader, also president of the Federal Chamber, Arthur Lira (PP), tried unsuccessfully to get the vote on the Proposed Amendment to the Constitution that guarantees greater parliamentary immunity, making it difficult to arrest deputies and senators in a series of situations. As if it weren't enough to be an aberration, the PEC of Impunity is an alien agenda descending on a country that today counts its more than 260 thousand killed by the covid-19, has one of the worst performances in the world in fighting the pandemic, and cannot even comply his ridiculous and confused goal of vaccination.

Arthur Lira is not alone and he is not the only one whose mode of operation is restricted to negotiating public resources, people's rights and shielding accomplices in ties for the accumulation of wealth and power. A ruralist and businessman, the Alagoan began his career in 1993 as a politician, as a councilor in Maceió. Since then, he has taken root in his parliamentary career, passing through the Legislative Assembly of Alagoas, but planting his feet in the Federal Chamber, occupied from 2011 until today. With shorter passages in the PFL, PTB and PSDB, it was in the PP - today Progressives - that Lira found more fertile ground to carry out the plans.

Here we situate Brasília as the cabinet for an extension and accumulation of power that needs to have a root for propagation. The possibilities are great in the face of a continental territory, although the slices, almost all, are already predisposed under the domination of some surnames. Arthur Lira knows this and seeks to secure his roots in Alagoas, having his party ahead of 29 cities. With 47% of its population living in poverty (IBGE, 2020), the greatest income inequality in the country (FGV, 2019) is ideal for operationalization in municipalities that - with no possibility of support - are positioned with intense dependence on federal funds. The give-and-go goes from pavements and tractors to the construction of public buildings, through parliamentary funds, in exchange for support, exchanges and support for the post in Brasilia.

Power relations throughout Alagoas history have also not been disconnected from the domination of oligarchies. Arthur Lira is aware of this dynamic, as his father Benedito de Lira, currently mayor of Barra de São Miguel. Both had their names published due to corruption in Operation Lava-Jato. Lira also responds to at least five cases in the STF, and is also identified for passive corruption.

The rapprochement with Bolsonaro is what has yielded the most evidence this past year. The spotlight places Arthur Lira as the president's savior, whose image was weakened by disastrous performances, dismantling and executive incompetence, and obviously lack of zeal with his former allies on the right. The Centrão turned his support foot to be able to finish the term with some influence in the Congress and to try to shield the accusations of his participation with the militia.

If Lira's partner and antagonist, Rodrigo Maia, declares that the "Center" is not what lies between the right and the left "but something else", here we say with certainty what this is about: it is the place on the right that removes the meat of the people in the guise of "agreements".

Thus, the extreme right to which Bolsonaro emerged is not supported only by his scathing ideological performances, or by the most wide-open cut and extermination of the most basic conditions of the people. It also finds support in that other right, which saves the energy of the most outrageous ideological speeches by placing it in other types of scandalous practices: the negotiation of rights. It has been like this with the approval of reforms, such as the labor reform, the pension reform, and now - in the fun of the crazy race - advancing with the administrative reform.

Our fight for rights does not fit in parliament
Although placing himself in the place where the "adults play", Centrão is an even more open sample of how the perpetuation of power relations in this regime occurs in the absence of the people. It is the place that gives us more evidence that the elections, like several other movements in the representative dispute, are about business. It is revolting to realize how clever the political artifices of the vultures in suits seem to be, which take away the chances of a dignified life.

Let us transform this political fatigue into a tight fist under the certainty that we, as a people, are still more lively in the daily construction of so many technologies of resistance. In this sense, we know that resisting is not enough. Nor is it enough to confront this or another macabre example that comes out of our lands to accumulate power, splurging on the collective wealth we produce, drowning ourselves in ills. We aim and defend more than that: it is about ending the capitalist economic system and the representative political regime that works especially to allow the creation of these figures.

As especifista anarchists, we propose the construction of a new society that is structured on the impossibility of operating agreements and businesses on our rights. For us, this purpose can only begin with the construction of popular power, mediated by direct democracy. Or, as we mentioned in another period:

"Building a strong people in Alagoas is also to affirm a popular identity and a new way of perceiving and feeling belonging to a history and culture, not that created by the elites, of Alagoas condemned to resignation and suffering. But another: an identity and a story that must make today's fighters heirs of yesterday's fighters. From the palmarine quilombo and the other quilombos affirming their freedom and political capacity, from the struggle of the native, indigenous, caetés peoples, affirming their sovereignty, from the huts affirming their boldness. From these to the fields, to the peripheries, to the organization of work, to society in the perspective of building Popular Power " (Alagoas and the building of Popular Power)

Anarchist Federation of Palmares
Alagoas, March 2021

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