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(en) Greece, APO, Land & Freedom: July 2018: Position of the anarchist G. Dimitrakis in an event for state repression [machine translation]

Date Sat, 19 Jun 2021 10:14:21 +0300


We republish the position of the anarchist Giannis Dimitrakis in the event with the theme "State repression, Terrorists, Emergency Regime. The police-judicial constructions and the exemption status for the contestants. Prisons as "warehouses of people", "detention conditions and the struggles of prisoners" at the 1st Liberation Festival of Social, Class and International Solidarity in July 2018 in Athens. ---- We send our full solidarity to the anarchist fighter and imprisoned in Domokou G. Dimitraki prison, who on Monday 24/5 was assassinated. Immediate transfer to a rehabilitation center. ---- To thank the comrades who did me the honor of inviting me to the 1st Liberty Festival. I consider it very important and very optimistic. It also has a very young world, so I believe that there is hope and that it is a sign of maturity and more organization in this anarchist movement that we have been for so many years. I will start with an quote from the old man Mikhail Bakunin, since we are in an anarchist event, "The Revolution is not a baby game, nor an academic debate, where only vanities clash, but also not a literary controversy, in which only ink is poured. Revolution is war and whoever says war, says destruction of people and things. It is undoubtedly disturbing for humanity that it has not yet been able to invent a more peaceful means of progress but, so far, every new thing in history really came to an end only after he was baptized through blood. " (...) Voluntarism, but he raised his glove against the regime, which is why we have so many consequences and we are talking about repression, the regime of exclusion and the terrorists.

I was a little worried about what was said in the presentation, about when the repression intensifies the most and when the terrorists come and in what ways the regime works against the radical movements. I thought that in the period 1980-1991, a period when the 17N was operating and in fact at an intense pace together with the ELA, we still did not have any anti-terrorist law. The first anti-terrorist law came in 1990 from ND, which did not last long. Surprisingly, it was abolished when PASOK came to power then, in 1993. To this, at least roughly and very sparsely, I can give two possible answers. One is, on the one hand, that at the very time we are talking about, capitalism still has illusions in the world, so it may have considered the phenomenon of terrorism and, more generally,

A second explanation is that here in Greece, we came from a dictatorship, from civilians, from fresh stories of persecution, imprisonment, executions, torture, until the reopening of Makronissos, we had the period of the junta, so I think that had formed a a social consciousness that may have reached both the ends of the state and power. Such were perhaps the social alliances or resistances that existed within the society that even touched the state, that at that time could not have taken tougher measures to deal with such phenomena.

Of course, this stops around 2001, when the first serious, more robust anti-terrorism law comes. A development, which is obviously related to the fact that the Greek state had to harmonize with the global imperative of the American factor that already ruled and still dominates in matters of counter-terrorism. This country had to modernize and shield its legal arsenal, which was obviously considered unacceptable in 2001, while in Spain, France, Italy, Germany and other European countries, the phenomenon of cinematic violence - I will not say that armed- had essentially been scanned. Most of these countries, for many years, were immersed - perhaps still immersed - in an alternative, the little Berlin, where in 1617 everyone can have their hair dyed, have an occupation perhaps, to have a party but so far. The violent denial of capitalism will be sidelined and eliminated by the speech of these radical movements. Beyond that, what the anti-terrorism law has brought and, more generally, this alignment with the fight against terrorism worldwide, has brought new methods of dealing with such things, with their first application in 17N, in 2002. It was not just how they were dealt with legally. the then accused for the action of 17N but, we had to face and we were spectators of a huge, unbelievable media mechanism, which waged an ideological war without mercy. I do not know if you remember, those who were watching things at that time, that The violent denial of capitalism will be sidelined and eliminated by the speech of these radical movements. Beyond that, what the anti-terrorism law has brought and, more generally, this alignment with the fight against terrorism worldwide, has brought new methods of dealing with such things, with their first application in 17N, in 2002. It was not just how they were dealt with legally. the then accused for the action of 17N but, we had to face and we were spectators of a huge, unbelievable media mechanism, which waged an ideological war without mercy. I do not know if you remember, those who were watching things at that time, that The violent denial of capitalism will be sidelined and eliminated by the speech of these radical movements. Beyond that, what the anti-terrorism law has brought and, more generally, this alignment with the fight against terrorism worldwide, has brought new methods of dealing with such things, with their first application in 17N, in 2002. It was not just how they were dealt with legally. the then accused for the action of 17N but, we had to face and we were spectators of a huge, unbelievable media mechanism, which waged an ideological war without mercy. I do not know if you remember, those who were watching things at that time, that brought new methods of dealing with such things, with their first application in 17N, in 2002. It was not only how the then accused for the action of 17N were dealt with legally but, we had to face and we were spectators of a huge, incredible media mechanism, which waged an ideological war without mercy. I do not know if you remember, those who were watching things at that time, that brought new methods of dealing with such things, with their first application in 17N, in 2002. It was not only how the then accused for the action of 17N were dealt with legally but, we had to face and we were spectators of a huge, incredible media mechanism, which waged an ideological war without mercy. I do not know if you remember, those who were watching things at that time, that
the 17N fighters, those who at least did not speak or who, in any case, had a strong presence in the 17N, were presented as common robbers, as criminals, as people who have businesses, cottages, villas, make rich vacations, ie do not have nothing to do with fighters and with this profile he had formed through hard struggles and risking their own lives, for thirty years. This was the first sign that the anti-terrorist policy within the country would follow. The second was, I think in our case, the famous gang or the robbers in black. It was a bank expropriation, in which I participated, but the fact that there was obviously an anarchist gave the system at the time the opportunity to launch an equally incredible media culvert, not only against the directly accused but also against the anarchists in general, in an attempt to depoliticize him, to criminalize him. Of course, such media propaganda, I believe, managed to bring confusion to the movement, when comrades roamed the canals as brutal criminals, who sowed death in the center of Athens, shooting relentlessly. I was the robber with the apartment building. Seisidis was the wild one, which grows on rocky islets. An antisocial profile, wild, dark, in order to scare the viewer. Injuries with which we had nothing to do. A lottery winner, who is injured by the bullet of the police, hiding the truth that the perpetrators fired 2 bullets, while the police fired 17, in such a way as to serve our criminal extermination but also, obviously, to bring a confusion within our space. Because, especially when a comrade watches some of his comrades behave like rogue criminals, who in order to escape their freedom may even kill whoever they find in front of them, obviously this also raises reasonable questions. How can he be my companion, a man who can take away any life in order to escape.

This was the first application, which I think did not pass them by. I have the impression that both our attitude, as well as that of S. Seisidis and M. Seisidis who were accused, but also that of G. Tsironis, who fled, put a stop to the police investigations at that time and, of course, from the attitude that kept all the comrades, who were taken care of. This level that the prosecuting authorities went through in terms of investigations and that was also scary. A wide circle of comrades was found in the security, in which the law enforcement authorities could not snatch anything and so they passed to a second circle, which was the relative, friendly one. Through this circle they succeeded and detached, with blackmail and violence and with threats to people who had no relationship, testimonies,

I must say, of course, that even after this point in 2006, we are in a parallel movement, where the movement in general is erupting. I also come from a decade, about 1997-1998, when at that time we were 50-100 comrades on the street and we were usually chased by left-communist forces because we had some conflicts. We managed and stood on the road, we managed and grew and grew on the streets. We succeeded and we stood and, I believe, we have grown all these years. In the period after 2006, a generation comes, which is fermented with the then student mobilizations on the street but also with night energies. In other words, we have a parallel movement of light and night, with a public presence in the marches and in all the social processes that existed, but also in the alleys of the city at night, where the attacks are tens to hundreds. The main target then was the banks and not only. The reason that comes out at that time is mainly anti-capitalist, anti-state and we have a generation, which I believe is fermenting on battle positions. Battle positions, which continue, and I think the regime is caught somewhat unprepared. He does not know exactly how to deal with this phenomenon.

We also have the delivery of the baton from 17N to E.A. This was also an important point in the history of the movement. The armed struggle of the last communists stops and now, officially, it passes into the hands of the anarchists. I have the impression, without wanting to give special weight to the armed struggle in relation to the more mass actions, that this also obviously brought the state into the spotlight and gave an additional stigma to the anarchist space, as an internal enemy. The upgrade that was attempted in the following years followed, I would say, geometric progress. The speeds that were developed may have been misplaced. However, we arrived at a December '08 where the whole system was crushed and not only that but the whole of Europe. We have, after 2008, two or three or four other armed combat teams, which are also attacking non-stop. There was an opening of our speech and the presence of anarchists even in the periphery of Greece, because in previous years there was a restriction mainly in the cities of Athens, Thessaloniki and Patras. There has been an opening of our speech and our practices, which are adopted by children, young partners in various parts of Greece, something that will obviously bring new plans for the state.

Spasmodic movements are made, such as the proclamation made in 2009 for the three wanted in the case of the robbers in black, as spasmodic were the movements that were made, studied but spasmodic, in the invasions of the houses of Halandri with the case of SPF. There, the system obviously decides that it must begin to open up and violate the limits of civil law and the rules of civil law that it has legislated in order to be able to deal with what gave birth to our movement. To face this huge opening of an umbrella, an attack by all means, and this will obviously be done by sowing fear and terror. This was, in essence, the plan, a post-2008 counter-insurgency plan that is essentially destroying cruelty and arbitrariness. From a youthful home, in which new comrades were meeting as a group, suddenly they were all found to be bombers and to be remanded in custody because their fingerprints were found there, as it is believed that some pots were made there. We pass to a second level with the arrests of N. Smyrni, where the comrade S. Antoniou was found to serve 2.5 years in prison because she rented a house. In other words, they manage to legally secure the extermination of our comrades at a rapid pace. Let me remind you of the pre-trial detention of our comrade Ch. Politis for about 6 months, because, in the beginning, he had met an illegal partner. To remind F. Meyer. Let me remind you that it was at that time that the system was really trying to sow fear and to break the solidarity between us. That is, be careful who you talk to, who you lean on, Which house do you enter, which one do you call and, in general, be careful what you do, because it is now easy to be in prison. Of course, there are death sentences. I have the impression, of course, that it increased its speed the most after 2012, where everything we had to give as a movement somewhere found its limits in the great, also, the struggles of the Constitution, in the great conflicts that took place then and in the social processes that were huge and came down to a number that may have reached 1 million, on the streets of Athens. The controversy was intense and the adoption of our own practices, the applause for the burning of the banks and the attacks on the police, were things that I naturally watched on TV because I was in prison then, but it was, for me, unprecedented.

In relation to today, I believe that because there is probably no way out of the capitalist crisis, there is obviously no room for the pressure we are experiencing to de-escalate. The stories about atomic terrorism, about solidarity texts, which are signed and constitute evidence of extermination persecution, while they have already tried to bring an article, which will be incorporated in the anti-terrorism law that will prohibit the support of positions on violent overthrow of the regime. These are moves that are coming and have been addressed by other European countries earlier. We have updates from other European countries. Recently, our Italian comrades told us that if they tried to put up a poster for a memorial service or a discussion about the Red Brigades, they would probably be either persecuted or imprisoned. Counter-terrorism policy in other countries has gone much further than in us, this does not mean that we will not face this thing. Our regime is being modernized here as well, as it has to run with bigger steps. We see this almost every year that passes. ND tried to bring the type C prisons with a particularly strict legal framework for the inmates who would enter these prisons. Prisoners would like two years for a suspension to be granted. Consider that the suspensions of many detainees, who are considered dangerous by the system, can be rejected up to 15 times. Our regime is being modernized here as well, as it has to run with bigger steps. We see this almost every year that passes. ND tried to bring the type C prisons with a particularly strict legal framework for the inmates who would enter these prisons. Prisoners would like two years for a suspension to be granted. Consider that the suspensions of many detainees, who are considered dangerous by the system, can be rejected up to 15 times. Our regime is being modernized here as well, as it has to run with bigger steps. We see this almost every year that passes. ND tried to bring the type C prisons with a particularly strict legal framework for the inmates who would enter these prisons. Prisoners would like two years for a suspension to be granted. Consider that the suspensions of many detainees, who are considered dangerous by the system, can be rejected up to 15 times.

Reading the stories of struggles that preceded the persecution, imprisonment, torture and execution of the fighters, we are equipped with the necessary courage and knowledge so as not to back down, not to be disappointed, not to be afraid of the new or tougher weapons of the regime. This could mean new comrades in prison. But as long as we carry hope and solidarity, nothing is final.

Giannis Dimitrakis

https://landandfreedom.gr/el/apopseis/415-ioylis-2018-topothetisi-tou-anarxikoy-g-dimitraki-se-ekdilosi-gia-tin-kratiki-katastoli
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