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(en) Greece, ANARCHY SAINTS ANARGYRON-KAMATEROS: protaanka - 4th issue of "Anthology"

Date Sun, 13 Jun 2021 09:44:48 +0300

We publish in electronic form (pdf) https://protaanka.espivblogs.net/files/2021/06/ ---- for free reading the 4th issue of the "Anthology" of the group. This form includes texts, announcements, posters, photos of interventions and actions of the months of February, March and April 2021. ---- 4th issue of anthology (pdf) https://protaanka.espivblogs.net/2021/06/08/4o-teychos-anthologioy ---- protaanka: Preface to the 4th issue of the Anthology ---- June 5, 2021 protaanka Anthology , Home 0 ---- "It is clear, then, that the paralysis of most economic activity due to the pandemic will cause rapid declines in international and domestic GDP, while the effects of productive and purchasing short circuits are already reflected in the financial system. The emergence of the coronavirus as an "unpredictable" factor in overturning the so-called "normalization of markets" and "economic recovery" will be the dominant communication recipe that will accompany the new social euthanasia policies with which the system will attempt to transfer the "broken "Of the Recession to the entire working class. "Together we will succeed" will emerge as the central tool for extracting social consensus on redundancies, padlocks and the over-accumulation of redundant work in the coming months. The effects of the coronavirus, in addition to public health, will be reflected across the spectrum of social life. The full-scale attack on wage labor, labor acquis and social freedoms will alienate the pandemic and by obscuring the system for a long time and everyone knowing that a New Recession is not long in coming, the pandemic will be presented as an "asymmetric threat" is solely responsible for the manifestation of the crisis and its painful consequences. "

With the above words we described in March 2020, a few days before the imposition of the first lockdown, the way in which the new episode of the systemic crisis would be presented: as an "unexpected" condition for which there is no systemic responsibility and which does not linked to the crisis the global capitalist economy has been going through since 2007-8, but exclusively to the "mandatory" measures to control the spread of the coronavirus. And we added that for the "exit" from this treaty, new human sacrifices will be made on the altar of capitalist profit, which will have as an alibi for those who follow, the pandemic.

The latter does not require, we believe, special insight. Everyone now knows what will follow during the new "return to normalcy". After all, state management of the pandemic is a prime example of urban analgesia and class bias that will be mentioned for decades. Of course, in the above excerpt we outlined the "post-pandemic" era in relation to the communication tricks that will be employed and not the health management. We talked about the effects on the world of work and the regime lies that will be unleashed to justify the new memoranda and the new fiscal "arrangements" that will be imposed to heal the wounds of the new economic recession.

In the months leading up to last March's crash, and while the coronavirus had already broken out in China, Wall Street indexes were hitting record highs. This was not a sign of financial market euphoria but the other way around. This was in some ways a precursor, it was the confirmation that a fictitious rise in the financial markets usually hides a future crash and that behind the veil of virtual speculation are bubbles that pop at some point. These bubbles on the one hand highlight the over-accumulation of surplus capital as an organic cause of capitalist crises and on the other the failure of crisis management all these years. A management based on tools not just reproducing it, but tools equivalent to the causes that led to the domino of collapses in 2007-8.

If we wanted to oversimplify we could describe a scheme where "investors" bet on the financial stratosphere, central banks "patch" the losses from the hassle (inflating public debt) and during the transfer of the "virtual" economy to the "real" the people pay the final bill of the game. This absurdity of the financial system can be interpreted by detecting and palpating the operating conditions and inhumanity of the capitalist system. It essentially reveals capitalist impunity in its more advanced versions: capital ends up gambling on its collapse, with the risk of collapse securitizing into risk-averse paper carried in pieces from investor to investor. Something similar happened in 2008 with the CDOs that were built on mortgages: first the real estate market collapsed, then the CDO prices and then followed dominoes that passed into the realm of the "real economy". Throughout this process, some parasitic capitalists became rich at the same time that millions of people were impoverished.

At the beginning of the 2007-8 crisis, the Social Democrats spoke of a "crisis of neoliberalism" and blamed all the blame on the financial system. Others referred to an "artificial crisis" that does not exist and is nothing more than a "scam to eat us". We hear similar "views" today about the health crisis with a more typical example the so-called "autonomous" and the conspiracy theories about the coronavirus as "sabotage in the west" for the "hegemony of China". The ethnocentric narratives of 2010-12 about the "anti-Greek politicians" and the laundries of the system for "bad managers" and incompetent political staff that "brought us here" still survive. All these theories tend to disorient, the declassification of the crisis as structural and the degradation of the fact that this crisis is the greatest, the deepest, the most destructive of all capitalist history. And its causes are found only in the very DNA of the capitalist mode of production.

In the DNA of the capitalist system is the tendency to over-accumulate capital and produce crises. The financial system has in the past been a large field of profitability that has released stagnant capital, and the development of neoliberalism has been a favorable economic and political complement to this phase of capitalist development. But neoliberalism came only as a "response" to the decline of Keynesianism that the Social Democrats restored and advocated at the beginning of the crisis as a rapid antidote to the "crisis of neoliberalism." And we say at the beginning, as the course of the crisis highlighted the impossibility of the social democratic proposals and wherever they went to implement the neoliberal shift it took place gradually (eg SYRIZA).

Of course, there is no "neo-liberal" solution for the system which has exhausted its tools and survives on the one hand with painkillers and on the other due to the absence of a revolutionary overthrow movement. Evidence is the inadequacy of malnourished public health systems by neoliberal policies to control the pandemic. Another proof was the self-abolition of neoliberalism by the strong state intervention to rescue the banks from 2007-8 and then the examples abound. The failure of the neoliberal model is something that can only be adequately analyzed independently. In conclusion, neoliberal restructuring, like the "European end", concepts that prevailed in previous decades, collided with the systemic crisis and were never completed, much less,

However, if it has a value to keep repeating that the global capitalist crisis is not "new", that it was not triggered by the pandemic and that there has never been a "post-historical era" in Greece, this is nothing but the deconstruction of systemic myths. These systemic myths are neither innocent nor neutral and it is important that they be deciphered. Each of these myths charges the contents of multiple semiotics and at the same time condenses bourgeois aspirations and regime plans that are already unfolding.

So speaking of a "new crisis", systemic circles imply that the crisis that occurred in 2007-8 is a thing of the past, that it was overcome thanks to its policies that quickly led to a "success story" and that what will follow in the near future in world economy will be the result of an "unbalanced factor", ie covid19. Based on this narrative, they try to hide the fact that the mechanisms of "limiting" the effects of the crisis all the previous years have been mechanisms of its expansion and reproduction. They try to conceal through communication that the policies of transferring the burden of the crisis from capital to labor, apart from being criminal, were also part of a huge failure.

We never doubted the magnitude of the recession and what the manifestation of the pandemic foretold at the class and social level. In an action we carried out in March 2020, we hung a banner in Tritsi Park warning of the recession and emphasizing that the coronavirus was the catalyst and not the cause. The data we had at the time was sufficient to assess the situation and resulted from the operation and panic of the financial markets: stock market crashes, massive bond yields and a simultaneous expulsion to "safe havens" (eg German bonds, gold), zero interest rates and the provision of trillions by the fed to absorb the shocks, reinstatement of QE (quantitative easing) by the ECB. and of course the vertical plunge in oil prices. All of this was a strong indication of the depth of the new recession that goes beyond the 1929 recession.

Throughout the anemic development phase that preceded the new episode, the signs were evident. The growing accumulation of global debt (public and private), low growth rates, the trade war, brought the outbreak of the new episode closer and closer. In Greece, a recession was already recorded before the appearance of the coronavirus. Even earlier, in October 2019, the incumbent president of the BoG and former minister Stournaras confirmed that "uncertainty in Britain's relations with the European Union, geopolitical concerns in the Middle East, the prolongation of the trade war and the reshuffles in Asian economies are some of the key challenges facing the international economy today, raising concerns about a new recession. "The president of the BoG in fact dispelled the myths and triumphs of SYRIZA for the post-memorandum era on which N.D. the narratives of "growth" and "normality" to finally crumble in March 2020.

We will not refer again to this text in the "post-memorandum" but not for fear of repetition. There will be many reasons in the future as this narrative will be attempted in the future to restore the government of SYRIZA as the so-called "party that took the country out of the memoranda and the right put it back". And we will make sure to change the lights so that it has the greatest possible political cost.

Regarding the current neo-liberal government of N.D. we do not believe that its popular endurance is due to some kind of social satisfaction. On the one hand, the (fair) devaluation of the political staff and on the other hand, the co-operation of SYRIZA, which until a few months ago refused to oppose it, certainly bring it to an advantageous position. An "advantage" for the rulers was the freezing of the fiscal rules that we could say that "sat a box". The pandemic managed to hide the absolute failure of the economic program of N.D. since in no case could it meet the targets for the damn surpluses and the new memorandum would already be in the works. This memorandum was extended for one or two years thanks to the pandemic.
This publication is the 4th issue of the Anthology of the Anarchist Saints Anargyros - Kamatero Initiative and collects texts, posters and responses to actions that took place during the quarter February - March - April. A quarter in which we proceeded to many informative excursions in the western suburbs about the events in Nea Smyrni as well as to participate with a distinct bloc of the Initiative in a local demonstration against "state terrorism". We also carried out actions for the 11 years since the assassination of comrade and member of the Revolutionary Struggle Lambros Fountas and carried out a campaign for the 200 years since the bourgeois-democratic revolution of 1821 and the state myths that accompany it.

The campaign for the 200 years was prefaced with the text "the revolution of 1821, its historical context and its character" found in this issue. It lasted one month and took place in four cycles of actions. The first two cycles had the character of transmitting messages through banners that were hung in areas of the western suburbs and universities of Athens and with the dropping of thousands of flyers. The third cycle concerned actions with text sharing in local schools and the fourth cycle interventions in parks and neighborhoods with corresponding distributions. The material continued to circulate and will be used throughout 2021.

For the events in Nea Smyrni our informative excursions were frequent and thousands of texts were shared. Our intervention (without a relevant announced call) in the local demonstration developed spontaneously and in the context of a collective evaluation of data in the formation of a separate anarchist bloc, which we consider successful as it rallied forces and gave impetus to the whole demonstration by shouting at the anarchist politicians. Anargyron and Ilio where he moved.

The above moves highlighted the importance of the intensity of the struggle and the correlations of forces as determining factors for the intensification or mitigation of state repression, which is not related to the change of government reins and the way of "approaching" all kinds of managers but by state- capitalist aspirations in dialectical relation to social and class resistance. This was evident both on the day of the demonstration in Nea Smyrni and afterwards.

At the same time, during this period, after many months of internal collective dialogues, we completed the statute of principles - operation and goals of the Initiative. The statute codifies the identity of our political group, its structure and the plans for a future organizational and political development in a suburban area that will emerge planned, based on evaluated, objective and subjective conditions.

The statute is posted on our political website and will be available in printed form for anyone interested. We think it's quite informative about what we want to do, what we stand for and how we operate. At the same time, we tried to reflect the real dynamics of the group, as a core with a geographical designation of a small municipality in the western suburbs of Athens, with all the inevitable limitations inherent in it.

With the completion of the statute, one of the next milestones is the publication of our collective positions on the thorny issue of the organization of the anarchists, which we have often referred to in our texts as a historical and political necessity, but never with the required completeness and with the submission of specific proposals. This position of ours on a field of historical importance for anarchism, but also of controversy, is of great political importance to us and we hope that it will pave the way and if it does not convince universally, at least it will cause problems.

In addition, one of the burning issues that will concern us in the near future is the opening of political space. A fixed point of reference and competitive ferment, which will release possibilities and contribute to our political effort. It is true that the prolonged lockdown thwarted our original plans, postponed the planning of a financial aid concert we were organizing and took us back to all levels.

In the middle of quarantine we issued a call for financial support. Despite the satisfaction and great joy for the response we received from comrades internationally and domestically, we did not manage to raise the required resources. As we have pointed out with honesty and political transparency, the opening of a space at the sole expense of membership fees without self-financing structures and without already accumulated financial resources, would greatly paralyze our political plans. Such a discount for the sake of creating space would be a step backwards and not forwards. We want our political space to crown our activity and not to replace it. We do not want it to function as an alternative island of so-called "freedom" nor as a hangout that will recycle "us and us".

The reason we do not want to reduce but increase the pace of our activity is connected with another reason: the texts and publications we publish are intended for distribution to as many people as possible. We do not want them to be lost in the digital chaotic microcosm and studied by a single small readership. The internet is very misleading in "reassuring" and creating a false image that "you are doing something". Instead, we want our voice to be heard all over the West and beyond. We believe that we have made progress in addressing and intensifying our propaganda activities in a satisfactory range of areas, without, of course, having reached where we are seeking, let alone in the level of undertaking more militant militant initiatives. There, after all, is also where the work you have done is reflected. Competitive mobilization is always, among other things, an indicator of possibilities.

In any case, our texts reflect our political positions and proposals. In our opinion, these should be the criteria for joining an anarchist collective or organization: the agreements on positions and proposals, the agreements on the value and political framework of operation and goals. We cannot accept any different motive or criterion. The positions and proposals of a group are also indicators of what it wants to do in terms of regular action. Without political positions and strategic direction, action is a dip in the void. But even without action, positions are nothing but hollow declarations. In addition, if the content of the action is determined by the positions and the goals, what you can reach the level of the action depends and is determined by the dynamics that you develop.

And political mobilization entails responsibilities and duties. If it is not conscious, if it does not follow a value and moral structure, if it is not a product of political choice but of a search for a "socialization" (without underestimating its importance) sooner or later it deflates and demobilization occurs. The informal operation of a political group-company can not bring long-term results. It can only create transient clicks that will be lost in the atmosphere. Nor can it create a stable value-companion political framework. As we have mentioned other times the criterion of "public relations" and "company" as a criterion for joining the struggle, apart from being apolitical and non-competitive at its root, it is also a source of immorality and a "hunt" for self-interest that tools the struggle itself to indulge in many kinds of selfishness. But in the struggle that we promote, selflessness, value honesty, solidarity, support for each other at any cost, are our beacons. And bonds of union are our agreements and the goals for which we fight on the basis of the above values. These we will serve until the end. Until the final victory, as if we are when it will come. Because it will come. These we will serve until the end. Until the final victory, as if we are when it will come. Because it will come. These we will serve until the end. Until the final victory, as if we are when it will come. Because it will come.

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