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(en) anarkismo.net: For what is no longer so self-evidentBy Eleftheriaki Poreia (ca, de, it, pt)[machine translation]

Date Sat, 12 Jun 2021 10:48:14 +0300


Inside the shell of the old world we try the passages to the other society. The revolution is not a moment, it does not begin and end with the "attack on the winter palaces". Revolution is the transformation of social relations, a process with regressions and contradictions, often underground and dull, sometimes frantic and noisy. But the time is coming when the shell of the old world will either be broken or, in the process of transforming social relations into suffocation, it will be re-established, and power will be re-established - even under a different guise. ---- For what is no longer so self-evident ---- I will laugh to hide in children who are having fun the time will be lost until one of them shouts "Liberta"...

In this peculiar regime of fear, isolation, surveillance and attack on labor and social rights we feel the need to rebuild the overworked forces of social emancipation and reconstitute the demand for radical social transformation (say with revolution). The truth is that we can not imagine any other way for such a liberal passage than the radical political collective act to which we want to contribute.
The pandemic, mainly in the light of its political and ideological management, is not class-neutral: it is both its own and its consequences a field of class confrontation throughout the range of social life. We live it every day these days:
In our anxiety not to collapse the public health system.
In our rage for the attack launched by the boss and the state against our labor rights.
In our indignation at the policies of extermination of the "surplus", the refugees, the homeless, the prisoners, the poor. In our indignation, however, and against those sections of the petty bourgeoisie, the working class and the lower classes in general who, eroded by neo-fascist, racist, misogynistic and homophobic perceptions, engage in practices of social cannibalism of various forms and intensities.
In our embarrassment towards the regime of control, surveillance and restriction of political and social freedoms, which attempts to install in the social body a constant terror by blackmailing its unconditional submission.
To our desire for the rebirth of an anti-capitalist-libertarian political project that will give answers to the tragic and deadly impasses of modern capitalism, which will be able to walk by asking and open passages from now to tomorrow.
This effort to form a liberal political collectivity starts from nowhere or with nothing: we carry many beautiful lyrics in our luggage; but they are waiting for new music to be sung in the here and now, asking questions without rushing to give answers - after all, nowadays whoever walks with unshakable certainties is in danger of sinking into the quicksand of ideology and speech that falls on walls and returns empty of meaning and substance.

We embark on this journey and our sails are inflated by questions

Can there be an anti-capitalist struggle with the horizon of radical social transformation without a new social fantasy being reconstituted in large sections of society that will challenge the capitalist one-way street? Can we fight against capitalism without being able to imagine / create life after it?
As much as we realize the urgency of putting the brakes on the crazy train of progress, which treats every human activity but also the natural environment as a field of exploitation and profitability and sells us consumption as our self-realization, we have - even in embryonic form - think about the socio-political practices that could work in this direction in the special conditions of Greece? Having on our backs all the collective weight of capitalism, but at the same time the memory and experience of resistance to it, it is possible to seek a new relationship of man and society with nature, science, technology, which will go beyond exploitation and domination?
Since all the previous years we have seen the limits of political collectivities based on affinity groups 1 or centralized-hierarchical models of organization, how could we experiment with a new form of political collectivity that is not based on ideological-political identification? How could it be structured in such a way that the politician does not take off in an abstract political dialect and in a pseudo-activity and the staff is not reduced to an instrument of mediation and factorization? How can a network of political collectivities be set up, which on the one hand ensures their diversity and independence and on the other hand functions as a reference point for modern radicalism, visible in society and capable of inspiring broader socio-political processes and proposals for overthrow?
What forms of organization, collective action, aggregation from below correspond to our age - an age of "social distancing" and the internet? What should we throw away and what should we reinvent, what sirens should we resist and what should we experiment with? How do we make the loudspeakers that multiply the echo of our speech, the magnifying / multifaceted lenses through which we will see and be seen?
We have roots: they are deeply rooted in the revolutionary movements and radical currents of the 19th and 20th centuries. But could our branches be their creative overcoming? If everything has been said, then what can be the role of revolutionary theory and criticism today, especially since we do not want it to end up in petrified dogmas and meaningless repetitions?
And the political? The democracy; Self-institution? Self-management? Communism? Anarchy? Freedom; Liberation from the patriarchal treaty and the emancipation of sexual orientations? Equality? The common; Ecology? All these words, which spring from our writings and blow stormily in our meetings, what practical and material substance can they take?
Can we criticize the liberal aspects of legitimacy and the politics of identities without falling into a neoconservatism and closing our eyes to those fields of oppression and exploitation that have become visible precisely thanks to these multifaceted movements? Can we, by broadening these issues, put the concept of one man's freedom back at the heart of our emancipatory policy as a precondition for another's freedom? Can feminists, gendered movements, those that oppose racial and religious discrimination be our common ground so that we can reconsider all these issues and act against discrimination?
How will we continue to be active and creative subjects in social movements, while recognizing their limits and contradictions? How will we fight without taking on the role of "political vanguard" but also without degrading our practice to uninspired processing?
How do we overcome the fetishistic illusion of the "objectively revolutionary role" of the working class? The workers are not "destined" to change the world by law, nor do they have the obligation to comply with any of their "representations" by the "political vanguards". We certainly hold the class orientation in our analyzes and actions in the sense of the priority that our address and reference has to the oppressed social strata (the workers, the unemployed, the underemployed, the marginalized...). Yet is there any other way than class struggles for workers and all the oppressed and socially deprived to form a class consciousness and become subversive / revolutionary subjects?
We feel the need to engage here and now with forms of organization of human action that will challenge the limits of capitalism, even if they operate within it: forms of organization of our productive activity, structures of solidarity and social reproduction, the creation of culture but also theory that, although within this social system, they will try to move both against it and to form one beyond it. Will we find the courage to walk in these "places", where the new is intricately connected to the old, without getting lost in our contradictions? There are ways and means to get in touch with the bets that come from a future - what awaits us to inhabit,
Can we bear to look to the past, not with our gaze immobilized in a romantic embellishment of it but to find fragments and precious materials from the future? With what courage and from what despair should we be caught to make this future as present as possible?
Inside the shell of the old world we try the passages to the other society. The revolution is not a moment, it does not begin and end with the "attack on the winter palaces". Revolution is the transformation of social relations, a process with regressions and contradictions, often underground and dull, sometimes frantic and noisy. But the time is coming when the shell of the old world will either be broken or, in the process of transforming social relations into suffocation, it will be re-established, and power will be re-established - even under a different guise. Can we cultivate that political acumen, so that we can work under the shell of the old world, without forgetting what the struggles teach us?

And with the questions-questions of ours we
pull in a traverse against the weather,
in a free course.

The term came to the fore during the anti-globalization movement in the early 2000s. It describes groups that rely more on the relationships and intimacy between their members than on the political agreements they have - the latter playing a less important role in formation and exercise. policy from interpersonal relationships. They operate with "automation", created precisely by these close relationships, and are usually not governed by reliable procedures, which makes them vulnerable to informal hierarchies. Given that they are based on the relationships of trust between their members, they are effective at the level of micro-actions, but unable to overcome it and act on a larger scale. They are cohesive, but at the same time it is not easy to welcome new members and expand. Not to be confused with the ideological affiliation groups that became known in the revolutionary movement of the early 20th century in the context of Spanish anarchism and in contrast to the CNT unions - there the militants were simply trade unionists (anarcho-syndicalists). These kinship groups formed the FAI.

get in touch with Eleftheriaki Poreia
eleftheriaki.poreia@gmail.com
https://eleftheriakiporeia.wordpress.com
(5) ELEFTHERIAKI PORIA | Facebook

Related Link: https://eleftheriakiporeia.wordpress.com

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/32331
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