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(en) [UK] The Bud Light Putsch (or the invasion of the US Capitol) By ANA (ca, de, it, pt) [machine translation]

Date Mon, 25 Jan 2021 09:37:07 +0200

A irrupção de uma mistura de grupos fascistas, de extrema direita, supremacistas brancos e grupos e indivíduos conspiradores do QAnon no edifício do Capitólio dos EUA mostra a profunda debilidade que reina nos Estados Unidos, agravada por quatro anos de promoção de idéias e políticas reacionárias por Trump em uma ampla gama de questões. Aqueles que participaram da invasão do Capitólio apresentaram uma aliança de interesses que ia além da questão de classe. Então, você pode encontrar um CEO de uma empresa de análise de dados, um proprietário de uma rede de supermercado, um advogado e policiais, ao lado de professores, universitários, corretores de imóveis (agentes imobiliários), bombeiros, bartenders e tatuadores.

The Capitol invasion was uncoordinated and there was no general and joint plan to strike a coup, although some of those who came to Washington were armed. A coup requires serious planning, as well as a degree of support between the police, the military and the ruling class. Although the weak defense of the Capitol building can be attributed in part to the sympathy of the police and the National Guard for the cause of these alleged insurrectionists, it was nowhere near the level necessary to carry out a successful coup. Nor did the violence come close to the level of a lasting uprising.

Large sectors of the ruling class, both within and outside state structures, have been troubled over the past four years by Trump's isolationist policies and his attacks on a "normality" desired by them. He is very volatile, unstable and irresponsible for his tastes. The Capitol invasion provided an excuse to attack Trump and his supporters, as noted, attacks built on a broad class base and comprised of right-wing billionaires, small business owners, marginalized elements and some disgruntled workers and professionals.

Agora, esses setores da classe dominante buscam o restabelecimento do status quo em Biden e Harris. Nenhum desses políticos são amigos da classe trabalhadora e isso ficará óbvio nos próximos anos. Esta é mais uma razão para que um movimento independente da classe trabalhadora, que inclua e reconheça as necessidades dos nativos americanos, mulheres, hispânicos e negros, seja construído para combater tanto o movimento de extrema direita e populista que Trump nutre e promove, quanto o antigo estabelecimento representado pelo Partido Democrata e pela velha guarda republicana.

It will be necessary to rescue some white workers from the influence of Trumpism. Donald Trump cynically manipulated his disorganized army of supporters and betrayed them when it was convenient, as witnessed first by his avid encouragement to the crowds in Washington, followed soon by his denunciation to the same people. He fed on the workers' dissatisfaction and resentment in rust belts and elsewhere, victims of years of abandonment by successive governments, whether Republicans or Democrats. He successfully filled the void left by the lack of a powerful movement independent of the working class.

We must note that the high tolerance for the Trump crowd in Washington must be contrasted with the treatment given to the Black Lives Matter demonstrations. In fact, if they, or even any revolutionary group, had attempted an invasion of the Capitol, the result would have been an instantaneous and brutal response, and probably a massacre. We should also not forget that classifying Trump supporters as "domestic extremists" is the same treatment that any revolutionary would receive under different circumstances, as would the job losses that some Trumpists are now experiencing as a result of the Capitol incident.

The Capitol is a symbol of the power and wealth of the ruling class. It was no surprise the astonishment that was expressed by Trump supporters, once inside the Capitol, with the opulence of this temple for the power of the ruling class.

Now, the narrative will be centered around the “defense of democracy” and that all good people should join the Democratic Party. But it is the system that Democrats and Republicans defend that has produced monsters like Trump. Biden was quick to condemn the anger expressed in riots in many cities as a result of the continuing murders of working class individuals, many of them black. He will continue to do so, in order to support the police and in order to support pro-business policies that will have a devastating effect on the working class and poor Americans.

At the moment, it is beneficial for the employers' class to have a defender of the status quo like Biden in power. Trump is seen as an embarrassment that must be eliminated from the political body. If a strong revolutionary movement ever reappeared in the U.S., then creatures like Trump or his ilk would be called upon to create far-right populist movements and reestablish authoritarian regimes.

It can be seen in the recent political statements that the Biden-Harris administration will seek its allies in union bureaucracies, among career politicians and bureaucrats in the civil rights movement to maintain its control and contain unrest in workplaces and neighborhoods. Furthermore, Biden's incentive to green energy and the support of great social media hits like Twitter and Facebook point to a restructuring of American capitalism that a part of the ruling class wants, far from protectionism and support for the military industries that republicans sponsor.

Finally, let's take a look at the hypocrisy of many Republicans, eager to dissociate themselves from Trump after the Capitol incident, but eager facilitators until then. The same goes for Theresa May, who was an enthusiastic supporter in this country, as was Boris Johnson, who recommended Trump for the Nobel Prize, as well as the hateful Michael Gove.

Other Trump admirers in the UK

Nigel Farage, of course, fully supported Trump, even supporting him in the presidential election result, but he issued a very brief sentence on Twitter claiming to believe that the attack on the Capitol was wrong. Farage claims to be a man of the people, but he was willing to waste £ 10,000 (£ 70,000) on a bet on the outcome of the presidential election while people lost their jobs and were unable to feed their children. In November, Farage also lied on Twitter about the situation at the Napier barracks in Folkestone, Kent (a facility that is used to house newcomers to asylum seekers). Farage showed images of asylum seekers protesting (shouting at the police at the barracks' gates) claiming "everyone wants four-star hotels and a trip to Anfield". Indeed,

Other well-known pro-Trump figures in the UK include Jacob Rees Mogg, who wrote a flattering article about Trump in The Times and made many other pro-Trump statements. In December, Mogg said UNICEF "should be ashamed of itself" for spending thousands of pounds on feeding hungry children in the UK, when "it should care for people in the world's poorest and most needy countries". This tells us everything we need to know about the right-wing “populism” that uses the working class as pawns in a game of divide to govern for the benefit of the system.

Real and significant changes in our lives can only happen, not only through attacks on a government building, not through more police and state surveillance or through capitalist elections, - but through a working class revolution that destroys the State, the class system and abolish capitalism, through which we share power and resources in our communities collectively. We can only get close to that goal with a working class that is strengthened and united as much as possible, not divided into Democrats and Republicans, Labor and Conservatives - divisions that only benefit the parasitic ruling class.

Source: https://www.anarchistcommunism.org/2021/01/10/the-bud-lite-putsch-or-the-storming-of-the-us-capitol/

Translation> A. Padalecki

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