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(en) alternativa libertaria fdca: Interview with the Anarchist Federation of Rosario (ca, de, it, pt) [machine translation]

Date Wed, 7 Apr 2021 10:08:22 +0300

What is the perception of these days of remembrance for society? How are those moments remembered, the military, Perón, the revolutionaries? ---- 45 years ago, in March 1976, the last dictatorship in Argentina began. The coup that overthrew the government of Isabel Perón was led by the armed forces and supported by sectors of civil and ecclesiastical society. There is talk of the latest military dictatorship, because the 20th century in Argentina was marked by a continuous democratic discontinuity, where the armed forces (together with certain sectors of society) increasingly involved in politics dismissed presidents on several occasions. From the coup of 1930 that marked the end of the second Yrigoyen presidency, passing through that of 1943, that of 1955 that dismissed Perón sending him into exile and that of 1966 up to the bloodiest, that of 1976.

Speaking of the last dictatorship, it must be said that this came at a time when the combativeness of the popular sectors did not give room to half measures. Since the sixties, following the example of other struggles, both on the continent such as the Cuban Revolution, and internationally such as the Algerian War and the French May, the process of organization and struggle had developed rapidly. Furthermore, the general political situation, with Peronism's prohibition on electoral participation, opened the field of social struggles to sectors that had no place within the institutional structure. Within this framework, in the sixties there was a growing organization of trade unions, student centers and groups of all kinds. With the coup d'etat of 1966 a process of military government without deadlines opens with a strongly repressive state, of political persecution and growing conflicts. Between the end of the sixties and the beginning of the seventies, the first armed organizations began to emerge in our country, the most recognized were the Montoneros, of Peronist orientation, and theEjército Revolucionario Popular (ERP), Marxist. In both cases, the armed struggle assumed an extremely top-down and authoritarian logic of internal management, in stark contrast to the experience developed by Resistencia Libertaria and, in the same period in Uruguay, by the Organización Popular Revolucionaria 33 Orientales (OPR-33) , linked to the Federación Anarquista Uruguaya (fAu).

Violence and state terrorism will be one of the hallmarks of the last dictatorship. Kidnappings and disappearances, theft of children, torture, executions and other atrocities were the order of the day, with the result of counting about 30,000 comrades between detainees and missing persons. The repressive brutality led to the creation of hundreds of clandestine detention centers, where militants of different tendencies were imprisoned to be tortured and then disappeared. However, the level of violence developed by the state had begun years before the coup, already in 1975, with the Operativo Independencia in the province of Tucumán, the general rehearsals of what would later develop throughout the country began, and it appeared on the public scene. the Argentine Anti-Communist Alianza(AAA), a para-police group dedicated to the persecution and intimidation of people on the basis of their political or social actions, which had a direct link with the Perón government.

The final result of the last civil-military dictatorship was the dismantling of all the struggle processes developed in the previous decades and the implementation of neoliberal economic policies that would later be strengthened by democratic governments. The process of refusing the coup d'état and denouncing the human rights violations committed by the regime began quietly. It was the mothers, grandmothers, companions and companions of the disappeared who began to cataloise attention to what was happening. With the return to democracy, after the disaster of the War of the Malvinas, the path for the condemnation of the crimes of the dictatorship was long. Attempts have been made to impose the so-called " theory of the dos demonios"", Stating that state violence was solely the response to the violence of armed organizations. This reading has then changed over the last twenty years, leading to the condemnation of state terrorism and the last military dictatorship during the decade of the Kirchner governments. This change in institutional politics, with the condemnation of what happened during the dictatorship, was achieved thanks to the constant pressure of the warring organizations and a large part of civil society. Today, after the Macri government (2015 - 2019) has constantly relativized the crimes of the dictatorship, also trying to claim certain aspects of the coup policies, civil society has reacted with strong indignation,dos por uno "(2 × 1) at the explicit request of Operativo Independencia .

This 45th anniversary of the coup has shown the impact the coronavirus pandemic has and will have on our people. For at least twenty years, that of March 24 has always been the most impressive event of the year, where not only social and political organizations are present, but also with a large component of civil society. In both 2020 and 2021 things have changed for the worse. Last year the demonstration took place in a framework of mandatory isolation, but in 2021 there was the possibility to gather and demonstrate and, nevertheless, it was not possible to call a joint demonstration and several scattered commemorations were held. Undoubtedly, the electoral disputes have had an impact in a year of mid-term elections.

45 years later, what are the effects of the dictatorship?

The dictatorship remains an open wound in recent Argentine history, the atrocities committed still generate the strenuous condemnation of any political hypothesis that goes beyond the model of parliamentary democracy. Undoubtedly, the memory of the coup is used to reaffirm the legitimacy of the rule of law, beautifully forgetting the revolutionary goals of the vast majority of the 30,000 missing inmates. Condemning atrocities to justify the functioning of the system is the line imposed by the state and by the organizations that play in its own field.

Just as the dictatorship broke and fragmented the social fabric and brutally disarmed the path of the struggles built up to that moment, it also initiated the fundamental transformation that would lead to the neoliberalism that would later develop in the nineties. From full employment and vague industrialization to vast sectors of society totally excluded, with no prospects of finding a job or living in decent conditions. Undoubtedly, the country (and the southern cone of the continent) remained the same before and after the dictatorship.

Who were the anarchist companions and comrades of the period? What are their struggles, their organizations, their paths?

On 24 March we created a mural in the city of Rosario to give a voice to the anarchists who are currently detained and disappeared and where two large groups of comrades are visible: those belonging to the Resistencia Libertaria and the Federación Anarquista Uruguaya (fAu). To these are added, in the militancy of the period, comrades who were not part of political organizations but who participated in the project known as "Colonia Lola" in Córdoba.

Resistencia Libertaria was an anarchist political organization founded in 1974, in which militants from Córdoba and La Plata converged. Its militants acted in various trade unions and places of study, but with the repressive advance they had to go underground and their field of action was considerably reduced. They carried out some armed actions, mainly related to supporting the social struggles that were developing. As for the Federación Anarquista Uruguaya (fAu), many militants have been kidnapped and disappeared in our country since in 1973 the coup in Uruguay led the political organization to adopt the strategy of retreat in Argentina, where the context seemed in favor of the return of a democratic government. The action of theFederación Anarquista Uruguaya (fAu) in the seventies is in stark contrast to that carried out by other nationalist or Marxist organizations, always aiming at the creation of popular power and the demands of social struggles. Therefore, armed action has always been carried out with these aims, managing, despite the clandestine context, to maintain consistency between means and ends. In Argentina, a part of the Federación Anarquista Uruguaya (fAu) contributed to the creation of a political party such as the Partido por la Victoria del Pueblo (PVP) as a hypothesis for action in an unfavorable situation.

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