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Date Tue, 6 Apr 2021 17:56:27 +0300

On January 8, the fighter D. Koufontinas starts a hunger strike resisting the state totalitarianism that vengefully and exemplary attempts to impose a special regime against him, but also against all those who will be or have already been in the crosshairs of state repression. The passage in December of a law that clearly sets out a special regime for those "convicted of terrorism", ie for those whom the state designates as an internal enemy, on the one hand has photographic features in terms of removing the possibility of D. Koufontinas to He is being held in rural prisons and on the other hand he is creating another bad legacy to strengthen the regime of exclusion against those who resist the barbarity of the state and capitalism.

Having been detained for 18 years, 16 of which he spent in the special ward of Korydallos prison, D. Koufontinas, according to even this authoritarian law that blatantly violates the rights of political prisoners, should be transferred to Korydallos prison. Carrying out another demonstration of state arbitrariness, he was transferred to Domokou prison, even falsifying the relevant transfer documents in a confirmation of the saying: "The state is the biggest mafia of all". Against the constant methods against him, which were accompanied by the relevant ideological slander and the propaganda of the media, D. Koufontinas chose to resist through the hunger strike.

The solidarity mobilizations that began immediately after the start of the hunger strike, in many cases faced the terrorist violence of the repressive forces, at the same time that the workplaces and the means of transport were suffocatingly filled with workers, proving that the pandemic for the prisoners is just a tool of enforcement. The thousands who died from it, after all, are the result of their policies, which, having as their absolute criterion profit and control, dismantled the health structures and imposed the mass overcrowding in workplaces and markets. Exercises of authoritarianism with traffic bans, attacks on protesters, constant persecution and the upgrading of indictments have tried in vain to be a permanent step towards the establishment of modern totalitarianism.

Against them they found the militancy of the hunger striker, the persistent movements (rallies, interventions, squatting) in the first phase of the hundreds of fighters, mainly of the anarchist movement who expressed through their action, for more than 40 days, the social anger, which was accumulating. The hunger strike of D. Koufontinas, especially since his state of health was reaching an absolutely extreme point, managed to create rifts in the discourse of power and at the same time the mobilizations of solidarity in the streets formed a point of reference and rallying for wider social sections, while even beyond this struggle they attempted, and to some extent successfully,

For our part, as anarchists, since the beginning of the hunger strike, we have stood in solidarity with the activist D. Koufontina against the regime of exclusion of political prisoners and more broadly against the repressive policies of the state, with a series of interventions and solidarity movements along with many others. From the rallies and demonstrations in Athens and Thessaloniki, to the squatting of the Thessaloniki Labor Center, the Athenian News Agency, the Ministry of Health, the branch of the Ministry of Culture and the gathering at the offices of New Democracy in Moschato. The aim of our political intervention was also to link the struggle against the regime of exclusion with the wider social and class resistance, which developed in the streets and tried to build embankments in the state and capitalist dystopia, which is trying to be imposed on the whole society. Typical examples are the squatting of schools against educational restructuring, policing and state terrorism within universities, the occupied rectory of the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki and the student demonstrations in Athens and Thessaloniki, which were an important point in the student resistance that developed in space.

The state, between the choice of its reconstruction in terms of provision and the corresponding one in terms of repression, chose the latter because social welfare is considered an obsolete concession that capitalism was forced to make at an earlier stage. Modern totalitarianism does not need - and can not - promise anything. The New Democracy government, while already counting thousands of deaths under its rule, is once again trying to use the pandemic as a tool of anti-social coercion. Its purpose is to proceed with the implementation of the plans of the rulers for the annihilation of all resistance and for total imposition on the social body, completely dissolving public health, degrading public education, passing labor bills that intensify class exploitation and open the door to the complete arbitrariness of the bosses, while increasingly disarming unions, intensifying the looting of the natural environment and devaluing human life. They impose a regime of exclusion on the most invisible of this society, whether they are prisoners or refugees and immigrants, or even those who are fighting against the onslaught of modern totalitarianism.

The police attack in Nea Smyrni highlighted an image that prevails in all areas of everyday life, highlighted the police occupation of cities and neighborhoods, state terrorism and the violence with which fighters are constantly confronted, the plebeians, the youth, pupils and students, refugees and immigrants, the condition in which the vast majority of society faces on the one hand the criminal state policies of pandemic management, poverty, impoverishment and on the other the constant threat of state repression. The response to this attack but also to the generalized operation of terrorizing the social base was the huge demonstration in N. Smyrni, the gatherings in the squares and the marches in dozens of cities and neighborhoods. The result of these mobilizations and resistances was the retreat of the intensifying repression and the temporary limit imposed on it, as the repression and construction of a police state was the central state choice for the management of the pandemic and in general. A state choice that was implemented once again through the attack on the majestic demonstration of N. Smyrna, through the repression orgy and the police pogrom that was launched in the streets of the area with wood, tear gas, flash flashes in the pile, with invasions in apartment buildings and shops, with the torture and sexual harassment of those arrested and detained, with the construction of a huge indictment for those found hostage at the hands of state murderers and with the vindictive and unfounded pre-trial detention of 3 people.

After 65 days, the hunger strike of D. Koufontina ended, without having achieved its objective, but it was a very important moment of the social and class struggle. The hunger striker 's request was not justified, but the militant conscience, which led fighters to take to the streets in front of the repressive rage of the state raiding battalions, joined the thread with the thousands of people who then protested for days in dozens of cities against in the state repression, with the dynamic mobilizations of students, with the thousands of demonstrators who filled the streets of N. Smyrna, with the mass demonstrations in cities and neighborhoods against the police, with the struggle for the strengthening of public health pandemic management.

The fear of the authorities for the time of the Plebian uprising is growing. Let's make it a reality. The solution is in the way of the struggle. Where the laws and the power of the uniformed guards of our lives can be shattered. Organization with decentralized and unmediated terms on all social fronts. Unity at the base, coordination in action. Solidarity and resistance!

Neither health nor freedom, the state sows death and terrorism.

* Solidarity with political prisoners facing the exemption regime.

* Solidarity in the struggle of the health sector to strengthen public health.

* Solidarity with those who resist schools, farms, neighborhoods and streets.

* Solidarity with the persecuted for the movements of solidarity in the hunger strike of D. Koufontinas.

* Solidarity with the persecuted and immediate release of the pre-trial detainees for the events of N. Smyrni.

* Solidarity with refugees and immigrants, against border killings, concentration camps, evictions and impoverishment.

Organization and struggle for social revolution, anarchy and libertarian communism.

Anarchist Political Organization - Federation of Collectivities


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