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(en) Freedom 6404 22 Feb, 2003 - What we say ...

From Worker <a-infos-en@ainfos.ca>
Date Thu, 27 Mar 2003 08:33:59 +0100 (CET)

A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E

The road to war has been signposted by a series of
pretexts. These have been put forward by the
governments of Britain and the United States, only to
be discarded as soon as they're shown up as ridiculous.
The White House has rarely bothered to pretend it
believed any of them but, as the world's only
superpower, it's never really needed to appeal to
anyone's better nature. Blair, much more dependent
on the acquiescence of his subjects (and his
colleagues), has worked himself into a moral fervour in
his efforts to persuade us all of the righteousness of
George's cause. The extent of the opposition to his
plans, revealed by the march in London on 15th
February, means that his righteousness can only grow
even as his logic gets weaker by the day.

To begin with, the invasion of Iraq was necessary, we
were told, because of Saddam Hussein's 'weapons of
mass destruction'. But it soon became clear that
America wasn't going to wait for evidence of this from
United Nations inspectors, even as it continued its
diplomatic tiptoeing around North Korea, whose
WMDs have been proved, beyond any doubt, to exist.
Then there was the notion that Iraq was somehow
linked to al-Qaida. This 'link' has never been proven,
of course, unsurprisingly given that it clearly isn't true.
Needless to say, this flaw in the official story hasn't
stopped a compliant media from repeating it as fact.
Osama bin Laden's statement, reported last week, that
Muslims worldwide should defend the Iraqi people was
taken as proof of the 'link'. According to the Bush
junta, it provided more 'evidence' to justify an
invasion. Because America wanted to invade Iraq, bin
Laden urged Muslims to support Iraq's people. This, in
turn, was used to justify an American attack. To call
this circular is being unkind to circles.

Now we've had the worst pretence of all, that this will
be a war to liberate the Iraqi people from a terrible
regime. Blair has actually had the cheek to say Britain
must 'look at the morality' of the sanctions programme
that's been in place for the last twelve years, arguing
that attacking Iraq is the more humane option Ğ as if
the sanctions are nothing to do with him.

Here are some other awkward facts that Blair prefers
not to account for. The Butcher of Baghdad was helped
into power and supported by the USA; shortly before
Saddam gassed 'his own people', current US Defence
Secretary and Hawk-in-Chief Donald Rumsfeld went to
Iraq, shook the bloody tyrant's hand and sold him more
weapons; the US preferred Saddam to 1991's popular
revolt, letting him crush uprisings around the country
with impunity; the US military has explicitly said that
bombs will shortly rain down on Iraq's civilians; the US
State Department unashamedly admits that its aim is
to create a 'temporary' regime to maintain 'stability' in
Iraq, headed by American appointees and guarded by a
substantial occupation force.

But the best refutation of the pretence that this is a
war of liberation comes from British Defence
Secretary Geoff Hoon, who has insisted several times
that Britain would be prepared to launch a nuclear
strike on Iraq 'in the right conditions'. Unless his war
of liberation means a war to liberate the Iraqi people
of their lives, it's clear that the current pretext for
invasion is as phoney as the rest. If the American and
British ruling elites were really concerned with the
wellbeing of the Iraqi people, they wouldn't have
supported Saddam's regime in the first place. As
usual, the government's contempt for even bourgeois
democracy is only matched by its contempt for the
intelligence of the general public.

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