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(en) Position of anarchist collectivity Omicron72 to the first and open part process of the 6th conference of APO-OS 23-24 January 2021 [machine translation]

Date Fri, 26 Feb 2021 09:13:18 +0200

We welcome all the comrades of Anarchist PoliticsOrganization, the comrades who responded to our calland are with us today as observer teams in the first and openconference process, where the positions are made in relation tosocio-political situation. Let us say here that we are very glad to see you all,but we miss that this does not happen up close, due to the conditions they haveshaped. ---- Companions, ---- We have closed a year since the beginning of an unprecedented health and social crisis. ---- More than 2cm. people dead and 90 million sick. COVID-19 diseasedid not break out in a world perfectly created. She broke out in an environment that favored herits spread by the plunder of socially produced wealth, theover-concentration in large urban centers, massive workplaces, confinementlarge populations in concentration camps and prisons, with lootingand plunder of nature. And the disease may not discriminate - as it doesthe sovereigns and the media stop saying - but the state and thecapital do. Not everyone is equal to the disease and this is due tosocial and class inequalities imposed by the state-capitalist system.Thus, it strikes the most impoverished, those who lived and always live on its edgeof poverty and misery, strikes the weak, those who spend their whole livesstriving to get by, the excluded from the elementary socialgoods.The pandemic did not give birth to "new necessary" transformations but already accelerated themdesigned and promoted and provided the ideal framework to impose thisthat states and bosses want over time. The complete submission ofsocieties in power of political and economic elites. They try to take advantageto the maximum the deadly disease, in order to maintain their privileges and toexpand their power by expanding social control and surveillancereality and introducing new and even more disgusting terms into its chainexploitation. An attempt is being made to impose a new model of work and social lifeand inequalities and exclusions deepen. The exemption regime is imposed ongrowing social groups (refugees, immigrants, prisoners,struggling, working, unemployed) which further reinforces the notion thatnot all lives are worth the same. Those at the bottom of the class pyramid eitherare sentenced to death because of their exclusion from basic goods eitherbecause they are forced to work in precarious conditions so that they cansurvive the capitalist system.

The spread of fear and the promotion of the irrational are fundamental elements of itauthoritarian narrative, cultivating insecurity on the one hand and him on the otherconservatism and irrationality. The reactionary reason, though presented toopposes the orders of domination, is issued and promoted by itself, bothto appear the same as the best choice as well as why only with irrationality in generalthe anti-social nature of the state-capitalist system can be accepted.

Conspiracy theories, opposition to masks and vaccines, are thesought-after and cultivated extreme expressions of precisely this authoritariannarrative - hence they are pronounced by the same people who claimed its GreeknessNorthern Macedonia, the nationalists and the intolerant, the races and the Greek flags-and not the healthy expressions of a society that judges, raises questions, seeks answers,chooses and claims. While similar perceptions, when submitted as a proposal within itmovement form only a sterile "instead" of the lack of a counter-proposal,nurture anti-social logics and obscure the existing and material fields in whichcollectively the movement can intervene.

What is produced, in the end, is nothing but a dead end and that nothing can be donefor what is happening, nothing can be done to change it. It is promoted, thus, asOne way and necessity is the existence of states - which will be its guarantorssocial "security" (with the required sacrifice of freedoms) - and bosses- as custodians of "prosperity" (at the sacrifice of labor rights). THEperception that things could not be otherwise is what in principleestablishes the world of power. As if we have to accept exploitation andoppression, that the few will reap the wealth and the many who produce itthey will die of wars, famines and diseases. Like the only thingwe can "realistically" claim and perhaps succeed - temporarily - is a littleless exploitation, a little less oppression, a little less death but not hertheir elimination. Why; Because this is the only way!The pandemic could be a global "opportunity" for states to implementmore totalitarian policies but their social legitimacy collapses. Thesocial contract has been violated. Lack of support and refusal to upgradepublic health structures, exploiting the pandemic to impose restrictions andprohibitions that have nothing to do with the health crisis, extreme violence,repressive businesses highlight only one thing. There is no one leftargument on the basis of which an extended social consensus can be generated. THEpower imposes what it wants and at the same time prepares and shields itselfin the coming social upheavals, upgrading its repressive tools, bothat the legislative and military levels.

From the great uprising in the USA and the cracks created in the centerof Western power until the uprising in Albania. From the militant and massivedemonstrations in France as far as Poland and Argentina with thousands of women toflood the streets. From Latin American countries to Turkey andin Greece there are people who believe that the defense of societyis in her own hands. Struggles break out and movements are created thatoppose the ruling order of things. They are the ones who shout that the worldmust and can change. At this time the two worlds, that of power and that of freedom, clash with increasing intensity, as anarchistswe have a responsibility:

** Do not leave the narrative of better system management for anotheronce, to plunder the games and soften the differences between themof the two worlds to give another extension of life to its rotten edificesovereignty.

** To intensify this conflict, radicalizing the individual struggles andconnecting them with the overthrow and end of the state-capitalistsystemic

** In addition to the complaint and the intervention, to file and towe compare in the state-capitalist way another model of socialorganization on the principles and values of freedom, equality,solidarity, hierarchy, collectivization, self-government,self-organization and emancipation of societies. A model that will not be an exceptionthe weakest and will not oppress the different. A world foreveryone.

** In order for all the above to happen, we must advance with even more dynamic onesterms the necessity of organizing and creating a mass anda radical international movement that, in principle, will believe but also movein the direction of overthrowing the world of power.

In Greece, the second round of outbreaks of the pandemic came after its summer2020. The state and its political administrators, the far-right government of the N.D., openedthe economy without caring about the cost to human lives. Its openingThe country's heavy industry, tourism, shaped the field so that after its endsummer, gradually, the spread of the virus in the community is no longer uncontrollable.

Imposing only prohibitions on people's social life and investing in itto "individual responsibility" to disorient society from seeing itcriminal state management of the pandemic. They did not take any action for herupgrade of the public health system, did not provide the necessary healthequipment and material to employees, did not hire teachers, did notdecongested prisons and concentration camps. On the contrary, they were exhaustedand continue to deplete all state resources in recruiting police officers andin upgrading their equipment, unfolding steadily and continuously the basictheir design for the complete disarmament of movements. And this designexpressed - only in recent months - with the evacuations of squatters (RosaNera, Terra Incognita, Dervenia, invasion of Libertatia), the new labor bill,the bill on prisons and the implementation of the law banning themdemonstrations (anti-fascist rally in Galatsi November 1, November 17,November 26, December 6), with the suppression of mobilizations, the invasions inhouses and arrests of fighters, surveillance, retaliatory transfersanarchist and communist prisoners, the creation of a new repressive bodyfor demonstrations and for universities.

The fields in which the movements were moving and operating more widely, as well as in particularanarchist-anti-authoritarian space, the means of struggle are shrinkingreceive overwhelming blows. As already stated by A.P.O. we are talking about the endof the post-political period. From the abolition of university asylum, thecriminalization of trade union action, the substantive ban on strikes,the restriction of demonstrations until the abolition of 8 o'clock, the furtherthe elaboration of labor relations, the privatization of universities, theprivate "initiative" in health, education, nature exploitation, landscapethat people move, live, work and the conditions that all come truedaily activities have changed and even at unimaginable speeds.

The far-right government of N.D. has imposed a "semi-junta" regime, where theAll issues are managed in police terms while they are addressedexclusively in the most conservative part of society. Restrictions, prohibitions,fines, control, beatings, torture, monologue in the media. and gebelisticpropaganda, strengthening of private capital and absolute surrender of control andeconomy in the hands of the elites.The other institutional forces and especially those with leftist references havingcompletely lose their meanings and without possessing a measurable part ofmechanisms, are unable to make any kind of opposition and ultimatelyassist in the conservatism of the whole regime. However, you should notto be complacent about current or future moves by parts of the institutionleft whose purpose will be to seize the struggles that erupt from below and theattempt to beautify the system.
Inevitably, opponents of domination are those organized from below, nothey are incorporated, they are not assimilated, they do not submit, they do not retreat, they do not believeat the end of History and the undisputed victory of the existing system. Andthey are none other than the world of self-organization, the political collectives, thesquats and venues, the resistance that erupts in schools and colleges,the struggles against the plunder of nature, class initiatives and unionsassemblies in neighborhoods.
But what are the characteristics of this space that has produced and continues, inmore or less depending on the wider conditions, to produce a hugea wealth of struggles and resistances that are responsible for the inability to create a capable oneradical pole, which will oppose the existing and why, if we are talking andwe are referring to and to all, do we find it difficult to broaden the meanings of freedom?

1) The restriction on the complaint, the intervention and the creation of small onesislands of freedom that can be conquered - inevitably in the short term -and the absence from the central battles that the movement has to give.

2) The fragmentation and opportunism, the lack of continuity and consistency thatresult in the impossibility of conquering some fields, the constantconnection with struggles and the deepening and development of political discourse anddeed.

3) Informalism: Depending on the circumstances, occasional collaborations are createdand reflexive answers are given, which may in a previous periodbe able to temporarily curb state aggression, but nowas much as they are characterized by militancy and selflessness, they are movementssymbolic content. Although they keep the spark of resistance alive, they do notcan inspire many beyond us, they do not give wider perspectivesand outlets. And to the extent that their continuation and deepening is not soughtpolitical agreements, no prospects are given for the development of a movement either.

4) The monothematicity. Dealing with topics is not in our opinionproblem in principle. But the perception through which it starts shouldis comprehensive and seeks to connect with other races in the directiona comprehensive understanding of the system itself but also of the struggles.

The answer to all of the above is the existence of a stable organization that believesin overthrow, it analyzes the authoritarian world as a whole and can on the basis of depthpolicy agreements to draw up both short-term and long-term planningto fight against what is directly imposed but also to be the inspiration and tolay the foundations for the creation of a radical and mass movement that will fightin terms of victory now the state-capitalist system.

Having the A.P.O. closed 5 years since its founding, and considering that for its youngage, as an organization, has achieved a number of its stated goalsand the involvement and activity of collectives within A.P.O, we consider that it is time to take the next step. To set specificsgoals based on its dynamics, to think about whether it manages to accomplish them inlevel that it wants, to act and take initiatives and responsibilities and based on these tomass, to involve more collectives in it. Contemplating themacting forces and the characteristics that govern them, we do not think it is something thatcan be achieved immediately but that is where we should aim. We have to open againthe dialogue on the necessity of the Organization, but this time from the position of thosethey have created it and communicate their experience, the positives they haveand what they gained, the prospects and responsibilities of the future.

** For us, as Omicron72, the A.P.O. is an inspiration and gives us strengthto move on, he asks us questions, he opens fields for us and he gives uspossibilities, brings us to our responsibilities and mobilizes us so muchsame as the individual collectives that make it up.

** A huge range of political agreements has been developed thatallow us to move and intervene in a multitude of struggles,maximizing the penetration of our actions and speech as wellhas enabled us to be present in fields that could hardly bethe anarchist space intervenes in the past, without being assimilated,incorporate or suppress its presence.

** Has helped in the political maturation of collectives and indeepening of the political discourse, both of the APO itself and ofindividual groups.

** It has won with its consistent and continuous presence, in the fields thatdecides to move, visibility and clarity regarding the ideologicalits political position, its cinematic and social logic and it hassubmit to the anarchist movement with clarity the positions and means of strugglewhich she believes can move us forward.

** Undivided solidarity, moral, material and political, has been achieved inspecific weight issues for each group.

** Quality fermentation and dialogue have been developed, an essential element forour processes and goals.

** In the direction of International Solidarity and international contactshas managed to create bridges of communication with other movements andto build stable collaborations with anarchist organizations.

We consider that we have conquered all the above but it is debatable to be able toand maintain them. The reality we face is completely differentand with great pressures as well as challenges. Maintaining cohesion is a priorityand our grouping, something that will be ensured through joint interpretation and understandingthe new conditions and the interaction on how they are expressed in places,and our capabilities according to social and cinematic reality.

A second point that we consider to be a necessary condition for wideningof the political perception of A.P.O. , both in the organizational part and incontent is our creation and participation on fronts. With her experienceour participation in them, we consider to be such a way out of dynamic responsesin the attack of domination as well as direct fields of deposition of our perceptions andinteraction with other parts of the movement. Our participation in them should behas clear objectives, to recognize the political struggle taking place withinthese, a struggle that should take place in a spirit of camaraderie and awarenesschoice of cooperation and collectivization, as well as the limits of the agreements but also oftheir potential.
Political cooperation and alliances are an essential element for us indirection of creating a movement where its parties talk, interact,coordinate, co-create, moving in the same direction as that of overthrowof the world of Power and the building of a world of Equality, Freedom,Justice and Solidarity.
To achieve this requires our involvement and our organized intervention throughoutand more fields of human activity, such as the classroom, schools,schools etc. As the submission of a program by us is required, thewhich will outline another model of social organization that will be promoted in allour fields of presence. This will first give us the impetus to shape everythingwe imagine, but it will also help to awaken the consciences of society andto the persuasiveness of what we propose.

In the big issues we have to face our ways of moving will be thesewhich will be the model of the society we envision and our involvementin the games that will come must aim at all of the above.
From the development of mutual aid and solidarity to the great poverty thatcomes, with the creation of self-organized structures, the configuration of open fields andaccessible to society so they can get in touch, beyond the pieceof the road, with the perception, the ways of the race and our goals and thethe possibility of their involvement in it, up to the greatest intensity of its promotionlibertarian culture as we believe is the portal, but also through publicationsprinted material.As a team we are in a period of exploring new data and possibilitiesof our movement. The conclusion we draw from the observation of motion more broadlypolitical forces in this first period of complete change, is how they chooseto do what they know best, returning to their hard core. This fromalone is not bad in a struggle for survival. As long as we understand thatis a temporary and reflexive movement, as well as that not all correspond toanswers given until yesterday, to the attack we are receiving today, an attack thataims at our very existence. That is why we have to evolve. Definitely theAnswers are neither ready nor guaranteed. The state-capitalist systemreproduces itself, and to achieve this it spreads to more and morefields. If, as an anarchist-anti-authoritarian space, we continue to reproduce only themways of the past without aiming at our political composition, for the wholeand greater penetration and widening of our projects, for our massification,for the realization of those we fight, we will not only give up, we will lose. And notwe are here to lose. We must be ready, having taken advantage of everythingvaluable conclusions of the past. And the A.P.O. is a child of theseconclusions and especially those drawn from the 2008 uprisingvaluable for us that exists and we believe that with this vehicle we will be able tomeet the great challenges that have already come. To contribute topaving the way to victory. The victory of the world of freedom. To make it happenthe Social Revolution, to give birth to anarchist-communist society.


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