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(en) France, Union Communiste Libertaire UCL AL #312 - Anti-racism, International, Libertarian Communist Orientation: For a Free and Democratic Palestine (ca, de, it, fr, pt)[machine translation]
Wed, 20 Jan 2021 10:36:22 +0200
The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is a colonial war, pitting an imperialist state
against a despoiled people. To believe that, on both sides, religious motivations
or economic interests are essential would be deluding ourselves. ---- The Israeli
ruling class, and most of the political class, are deeply imbued with a
nationalist and colonialist ideology, Zionism. This ideology was born in a
context of the development of anti-Semitism and nationalism in Europe. Unlike
assimilationist or revolutionary currents, Zionist currents considered
anti-Semitism to be inevitable[...]and had the historic objective of constituting
a Jewish national majority in Palestine, which went through the expulsion of
Palestinians and Palestinians. throughout the colonial process[...].
Israel, a colonial state
Yet, far from being homogeneous, Israeli society, shaped by war and the search
for an identity, is communitarized to the extreme. Israeli Arabs - including the
Druze - are considered "sub-citizens" And do not enjoy the same rights as Jewish
Israelis. Even within the Jewish population, significant tensions exist between
the Ashkenazim, the Sephardim, the Mizrahim and the Jews and Ethiopian Jews. The
anti-colonialist and anti-racist pole, although very much in the minority,
represents one of the most direct concrete supports to the Palestinian people. At
the other end of the spectrum, the nationalist-religious currents and the
settlers' lobby constitute an ultra-nationalist, homophobic, patriarchal and
die-hard pole that increasingly weighs on the Israeli state.
Zionist expansionism does not respond only to the characteristics of a war of
conquest. It has constantly been coupled with a policy of ethnic cleansing.
During the 1948 war, by pushing hundreds of thousands of Palestinian civilians
into an exodus without return. At the end of the 1967 war, by avoiding annexing
the West Bank and Gaza - which would have obliged Israel to confer citizenship on
its inhabitants - but by contenting itself with militarily occupying these
regions, depriving its inhabitants. es of all rights.[...]The policy of forced
colonization of East Jerusalem is the demonstration that a policy of ethnic
cleansing can also be carried out in times of "peace".
Religion did not play a role in the emergence of Zionism, which defines
Jewishness as a nationality, on the ethno-nationalist model. The creation of the
State of Israel brought some of the religious currents which were initially
opposed to it to rally to it in a "national-religious synthesis", which intends
to justify the existence of the State a posteriori by arguments. religious[...].
Economic interests are not the root cause of Israeli expansionism either.
Basically, the expansionist policies of the Zionists are typical of those rare
situations where ideology trumps economic rationality. The economic and social
cost of colonization and military occupation is out of proportion with the few
advantages that can be represented by the control of natural resources and of a
disenfranchised Palestinian proletariat.
One of the major springs of this ideology within the Jewish diaspora and the
Israeli population is the fear of a new genocide, which leads to consider as
essential the maintenance of a Jewish "national majority" in a "State of refuge.,
Israel, whatever the cost. Yet, far from representing a refuge from
anti-Semitism, this policy contributes to the isolation of the Jewish minority in
other countries, and leads the Israeli population into a headlong war and
colonialism. It avoids the essential question of the fight against anti-Semitism,
by wanting to subordinate it to support for the Israeli state, and also avoids
other questions such as the " right of return".»In their country of origin of
Mizrahim and Sephardic Jewish minorities whose Arab / Persian / Kurdish culture
... is denied.
However, Israeli colonialism has a major economic and geostrategic interest for
Western imperialists: from the British mandate to the creation of the State of
Israel, supported by both the West and the USSR, the latter have always wished to
keep under control the Near and Middle East, a major geostrategic and economic stake.
The Palestinian people, fighting for their rights.
The Palestinian people, in all their components, are fighting above all for their
rights. The so-called "48" Palestinians (Israeli Arabs, including Bedouins) are
fighting for equal rights and against discrimination. Those in the West Bank and
Gaza are fighting against military occupation and for sovereignty over their
lands. Refugees fight for the right to return or compensation for the harm
suffered. Even if the priorities of these components may diverge, a deep
solidarity binds them in the face of oppression.
cc Seb Godeffroy
Today, Palestinian resistance is essentially civil and peaceful resistance.
Militarily, the Palestinian Authority - as before it and the Palestine Liberation
Organization - does not weigh much against Israel. It is this inability to gain
their independence by arms that may have driven desperate young Palestinians to
become "martyrs" in suicide attacks.
Again, religion was not the primary motivation. Jerusalem and the Al-Aqsa Mosque
are above all national symbols.[...]The project of "democratic Palestine",
carried by the PLO from 1969 to 1993, evoked a single, secular country, whose
citizens, whether atheists or of Jewish, Muslim or Christian faiths , could live
in freedom and equality. This project was intended to be the antithesis of the
discriminatory ethnic state embodied by Israel.
The economic interests that the Palestinian people can have in their emancipation
go without saying: social rights, the right to cultivate their land, the right to
take the sea, freedom of movement, recovery or compensation for looted property,
etc. It is the failure of the realization of this secular project that paved the
way for "national-religious" currents like Hamas and Islamic Jihad, initially
looked upon with kindness by the State of Israel, which saw the opportunity. to
remove any prospect of a solution breaking with ethno-nationalism.
Alone facing the occupant
The Palestinian resistance is today alone in the face of Zionist expansionism.
It has nothing to expect from the Western imperialist powers. The story is
similar when it comes to states in the region. If they have used the Palestinian
struggle, they have rarely served it. Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Qatar as well as
Egypt or Syria, have been overwhelmed by the independence that the Palestinian
resistance has shown towards them. They have sometimes fought it with arms, by
perpetrating massacres like the one in Black September in 1970. Today, despite
the pressure of their public opinions, these states prefer to normalize their
relations with the Zionist state.[...]
The most sincere international aid for the Palestinian people will come from
civil society, in the countries of the region, in the United States, in Europe,
in Israel itself. It is from the action of Israeli anti-colonialists that
Palestinians can expect the most.
Popular resistance unfortunately cannot rely on the Palestinian Authority, which
is criticized and considered illegitimate by a large part of the Palestinian
population because of its collaboration with the occupier, and in competition
with the Hamas " government " in the process. Gaza strip.
A project for Palestine
Peace cannot be made without justice.[...]Trying to achieve peace without
responding to the deep aspirations of autonomy and recognition of the Palestinian
people can only lead to failure, disillusionment and, again, popular insurrection.
Hypotheses of immediate solution to the conflict:
The creation of a Palestinian state. This concession accepted by the PLO in Oslo
in 1993 is a sad step backwards from the initial project of " democratic
Palestine ". It recognizes the existence of the State of Israel and the need for
ethnic partition. A state is today the short-term objective of the Palestinian
resistance, which will allow a minimum of security within internationally
recognized borders. But this solution seems impossible today because of the scale
of colonization, the viability of such a state, as large as a French department
and without territorial continuity, being more than doubtful.
The birth of an Israeli-Palestinian federation. Within single borders, two legal
entities, one " Israeli " and one " Palestinian ". This project has the advantage
of guaranteeing the cultural autonomy and equal rights of two peoples who think
they are different, and in particular of responding to the deep aspirations of
Israelis for a " Jewish national home ". But in the long term, it represents a
risk of Lebanese drift, with its community fragmentation.
These two projects have essentially a tactical value. Non-antagonistic, they
express what may be possible, in stages, in a given situation, at a given time.
They should not focus the debates because, in themselves, they would not meet
Palestinian expectations - they do not answer, for example, the crucial question
of refugees and their rights, a question which as long as it does not exist. will
not be resolved will be a source of major conflict.
A single country, secular and democratic , which could not be called " Israel "
remains the only political solution capable of ensuring peace and equality
between all and all citizens, whatever their cultural affiliation. This solution,
if it may seem out of reach during the period, remains in order for all
activists, Israelis and Palestinians, hostile to ethnic segregation and state
The prospect of a " socialist Middle Eastern federation " , if it is not a
precondition for such a solution, can represent an important fulcrum for
Palestinian resistance, sweeping aside regimes in the region that have interest
in ruling out any real and anti-colonialist solution to the conflict.
Right to self-determination
For the Palestinian resistance, supported by the majority of the Palestinian
population, this self-determination implies:
the evacuation by the Israeli army of all the territories occupied since 1967 and
the end of the blockade of Gaza ;
the dismantling of all settlements and colonial infrastructure in the West Bank ;
the right of refugees to return to their homes and / or to fair compensation ;
substantive equality of rights between Arab and non-Arab citizens in Israel ;
the right to the creation of a viable state alongside Israel. Maintaining the
long-term perspective of a single, secular and democratic country, however,
remains a necessity ;
assistance in rebuilding all destroyed infrastructure and the Palestinian economy.
In the immediate future, the Libertarian Communist Union:
reaffirms its support for the Palestinian resistance ;
reaffirms its support for the anti-colonialists and the rebels of the Israeli army ;
condemns any racist or religious interpretation and claim linked to the conflict
in Palestine. Both anti-Arab racism and anti-Semitism are instrumentalized by the
Israeli state, by Zionist currents to justify the ethnic war that the Israeli
state is waging, by nationalist-religious, by the leaders and dominant classes of
the countries of the region . We affirm that the dual struggle against anti-Arab
racism and anti-Semitism is an essential key to the resolution of the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Building a credible and concrete alternative to
anti-Semitism is an essential condition for weakening the political influence of
calls for the demilitarization of Israeli society.
calls for the exercise of economic sanctions on the colonial Israeli state, on
the one hand by repealing the economic, military and scientific " association
agreement " between the European Union and Israel ; on the other hand, without
delay, by boycotting products imported from Israel via the international Boycott
Divestment Sanction (BDS) campaign ;
calls for an end to all military cooperation with the State of Israel.
Federal coordination of the Libertarian Communist Union, June 2020
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