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(en) Czech, afed: Fight for bread and roses -- Book review Feminism for 99% [machine translation]

Date Thu, 14 Jan 2021 09:51:52 +0200

It would seem that a new publishing house has appeared here - Svobodná knihovna, zs But make no mistake, this is the good old Neklid , which has published several new titles in a very short sequence. These include a booklet quite clearly called Feminism for 99%. Manifesto. It is a joint work of three authors. Cinzia Arruzza, Tithi Bhattacharya and Nancy Fraser are not 99% classical representatives, they are university professors. But don't be afraid, their manifesto is not another practice of foreign words in the text for a handful of intellectuals. And they are not the authors who write about those downstairs from the heat of their cabinets without experiencing their struggles at the same time. On the contrary, they are activists who, for example, co-organized the International Women's Strike.

They begin their 2019 manifesto by rejecting a form of feminism that aims, in particular, to increase the representation of women in corporate governance, boards, governments and parliaments. Such an approach makes feminism a mere maid of capitalism to enable women in the ruling class to participate more in decision-making and exploitation. But this is just a continuation of the path to a "burned planet" instead of a "just world." It's either or. And so feminism stands for 99%, feminism with a completely different class orientation, which by its very nature can no longer stand on its own, but must unite with other movements - anti-capitalist, environmental and anti-racist - with a struggle for free quality education. , generous public services, affordable housing, labor rights or a world without wars.

The authors then build on concrete manifestations of a new wave of feminism, which sweeps around different parts of the world and rediscovers the strike as a tool to make their interests visible and assert them. In fact, radical feminism is nothing new, as the manifesto may seem. In rejecting liberal feminism, which is in a way part of our problems, they make it clear: "We don't want to celebrate CEOs in luxury offices - on the contrary, we want to get rid of CEOs and their luxury offices once and for all."

The manifesto has a clear intention "to identify and directly confront the real source of crisis and misery - and that is capitalism." The basis of gender oppression is thus "subordinating social reproduction to profit-oriented production." And as the title of one chapter puts it: "gender-based violence takes many forms and is all linked to capitalist social relations." Here we are directly exposed to the economizing view of the life of the individual and society as we know it from Marxism. After all, even the authors consider the predecessor of their manifesto from Marx and Engels from 1848. And although a really large part of gender violence is based on relations determined by capitalism, as is well described in the manifesto, the world is multi-layered, by their examination of unnatural authorities, they would certainly object.

Despite this, however, this manifesto is a very successful statement that the feminism of those below is diametrically opposed to the liberal one, that all bottom-up struggles must be understood as part of one common one, and that "our weapon is a vision that is feminist, anti-racist and anti-capitalist at the same time. ".

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