A-Infos (en) anarkismo.net: Chronicle of an announced vacancy or inter-bourgeois dispute in Peru by Franz Verne (de, it ca, pt)[machine translation]

Fall and rise of the same political model ---- It is clear that this was always 
an inter-bourgeois dispute, between two right-wing factions, each representing 
their own interests and political agendas. And in this contest, the one with the 
least strategic backing lost. The fall of Vizcarra demonstrates a weakened 
Executive lacking governance, because - among other things - it never had a 
parliamentary bench to back it up and stop the onslaught of the Legislature, 
which did manage to reach a consensus on its attack en bloc under the worn out 
ruse of the "anti-corruption struggle», When it was always clear that in both 
powers of the State the level of putrefaction is truly alarming. Now, with the 
seizure of power by Manuel Merino, who is doomed to convene a ministerial cabinet 
according to his parliamentary partners, a new distribution of power begins, let 
there be no doubt.

Peru is entering a new political crisis within the generalized panorama of a 
health and socioeconomic megacrisis that it was already experiencing due to the 
global pandemic. This time, Parliament approved the presidential vacancy against 
Martín Vizcarra under the argument of "permanent moral incapacity" due to a 
series of indications and blatant accusations about acts of corruption that would 
come from the time he served as regional president in Moquegua. Beyond going into 
well-known details about the process of defenestration of Vizcarra and the 
inauguration of Manuel Merino (then president of Parliament), we are interested 
in focusing on the political core of the matter and its immediate impact on our 
people.

Character of the conflict

It is clear that this was always an inter-bourgeois dispute, between two 
right-wing factions, each representing their own interests and political agendas. 
And in this contest, the one with the least strategic backing lost. The fall of 
Vizcarra demonstrates a weakened Executive lacking governance, because - among 
other things - it never had a parliamentary bench to back it up and stop the 
onslaught of the Legislature, which did manage to reach a consensus on its attack 
en bloc under the worn out ruse of the "anti-corruption struggle», When it was 
always clear that in both powers of the State the level of putrefaction is truly 
alarming. Now, with the seizure of power by Manuel Merino, who is doomed to 
convene a ministerial cabinet according to his parliamentary partners, a new 
distribution of power begins, let there be no doubt.

Now, the mess has been eminently political, without disrupting the economic 
factor. In this institutional crisis, Confiep has not been affected; on the 
contrary, he had no qualms about distancing himself quickly (via public 
pronouncement) from the vacant Vizcarra whom they abandon as a replaceable piece, 
as a worn out politician without his own party, as a bad strategist who quickly 
self-liquidated; and now they welcome Merino, a man with a traditional right-wing 
party (Popular Action) and with a clear record in defense of the national status 
quo. And in this shed, the Armed Forces have fulfilled the usual role: 
safeguarding the interests of the elite with greater capacity for socio-political 
control. While the presidency of Congress remains in the hands of Luis Valdez 
(Alliance for Progress),

With regard to the legality of the approved vacancy, it should be noted that two 
months ago, in the context of the first presidential vacancy attempt, the 
Executive presented a competency claim and a precautionary measure, in which it 
was proposed that Congress He could not vacate the President, since the 
assumptions of moral incapacity are too lax. The injunction was rejected and on 
that issue there is no going back, but the underlying demand still exists. So, 
for some analysts, the Constitutional Court generated, in part, this problem when 
it did not resolve the injunction in time. If he had admitted said measure at the 
time, he would have ordered Congress not to pronounce on any vacancy in 
application of the assumption of permanent moral incapacity, as long as the 
underlying issue is not resolved in the aforementioned competence claim. And 
although the official ruling of the TC is still awaited, this could be a mere 
formal procedure that would no longer change the course of things.

Parliamentary left and popular clamor

The role of the left - in very general terms - at this juncture has been diffuse, 
scattered or inconsequential. During the development of the pandemic, there was a 
clear divorce between the parliamentary left and official progressivism regarding 
the demands and hustle and bustle of the affected population. There were 
processes of struggle or mobilization in neighborhoods and communities looking 
for food and basic mechanisms of subsistence; Likewise, union protests were 
generated against massive layoffs and labor abuses, but they were neither picked 
up by the institutional left nor were policies in favor of these sectors 
generated. And today there is talk of moving towards a process of a Constituent 
Assembly and a new Constitution. As a political slogan it is encouraging, but on 
what basis? About what organized community? On what level of mass representation? 
With what left as a consensual vanguard?

Regarding the recent mobilizations in various parts of the country, it is true 
that these are citizen marches originally convened against the spurious Congress 
and its illegitimate vacancy, it is true that there is a presence of 
opportunistic politicians seeking to fish in a troubled river (Guzmán, Forsyth, 
Mendoza, Humala , etc.), it is true that its general character is liberal and 
functional to the defense of a supposed corrupt and corrupting democracy, it is 
true that it is not a working-class protest. But it is not correct to make a 
derogatory analysis or to insult the bulk of the mobilized mass as if it were a 
simple bourgeois parade. Right now this mobilization has brought together many 
people who are not going to defend Vizcarra, because we see the presence of 
workers and students who are not in favor of the vacated government,

There are several detainees who will be processed, there are wounded by tear gas 
and pellets, there is generalized repression. And this should call us to 
immediate solidarity and to seek to deepen the current scenario of social 
conflict. The moment must be tightened to move from institutionalist defense to 
popular protest, to move from diffuse indignation to open class struggle, 
focusing that the vacancy is irrelevant or harmful if the abolition of the 
Fujimori Constitution that we suffer is not considered.
It seems that this social demonstration is clarifying its course of not defending 
a particular vacated regime or politician, but rather that it goes against the 
seizure of powers by right-wing political sectors interested in polarizing the 
country with their own agenda. Then, it could be opportune to continue tense the 
moment and lay open criticism from the streets towards the economic model and its 
reactionary Constitution.

Therefore, "criticisms" from a certain puerile sectarianism or biased purism 
against the protesters in action are rejected. We can disagree, we can question 
citizenship forms, we can - and we must - confront institutionalist demands, but 
we do not repeat the attacks of the reactionary right itself, disqualifying the 
mobilized people as simple "vizcarristas." It is urgent to have a more objective 
and militant reading to interpret social processes that may be outside our 
"correct leftist meter", but that are still social spaces of direct incidence to 
build demands of greater historical significance. And from this,

Old chips on the new board

Before it became official, it was already known that Antero Flores-Aráoz would 
assume as Prime Minister of the illegitimate government of Manuel Merino. And 
beyond remembering all the racist, elitist, homophobic, arrogant, defender of the 
corrupt and reactionary profile of this character (something that is obviously 
true), it would be interesting to see the background and the political message of 
this acceptance in that position key.

As is known, Flores-Araóz was a deputy for the Fredemo (ultra-liberal party) in 
the early 90s, then he was a congressman for the conservative Christian Popular 
Party (PPC) during the Fujimorato, he was also president of Parliament 
(2004-2005), He was also a permanent representative of Peru to the OAS (2007), 
later he became Minister of Defense (2007-2009) of the second government of Alan 
García, and then we saw him running - unsuccessfully - to the presidency of Peru 
for the Party Order that he himself founded and disappeared. Today he is vice 
president of the Republican Coordinator (a conglomerate of ultra-conservative 
politicians, denialist leaders, leaders of "With my children you don't mess with 
me," followers of conspiracy theories, retired high-ranking military personnel, 
self-confessed fascist, etc.).

So, this recent dispute between the right-wing, between factions of the 
traditional oligarchy (entourage behind Vizcarra) and the new provincial 
bourgeoisie (partners and immediate surroundings of Merino) in the eyes of big 
capital had to come out of its trap and generate an air of confidence to the 
owners of the national economy. If already transnational entities such as the 
Bank of America showed their concern about the "populism of Merino", Confiep had 
to intervene to calm the waters and place a creole and elitist guarantor for the 
attempt of the provincial right.

Therefore, it is clear that the new Flores-Araóz cabinet must radiate confidence 
in the national and foreign big bourgeoisie. They should be concerned that so far 
no president of the region has greeted them. And you have to see who will be 
appointed in the Ministry of Economy, Defense and the Foreign Ministry, which are 
always key positions that paint the true profile of a regime.

And now that?

Move towards a Constituent Assembly process? Constituent Popular Assembly? New 
Constitution? On what basis? Are there conditions of form and substance for such 
an aspect? Is there any tangible difference between Vizcarra and Merino that 
makes it possible to demand the termination of the current Constitution?

Civil disobedience and insurgency against an illegitimate government? What is the 
reading on the correlation of forces in the popular field? What balance to draw 
from the recent role of the parliamentary left? Is there a representative left at 
the mass level? What is the scenario for 2021?

Everyone leaves? And how do you achieve that? What comes next? Is there a clear 
political spectrum to the left that allows us to see what can happen after this 
juncture? With what sectors, within the social movements, could a mass 
articulation be generated? General Strike to defeat the current regime? What or 
who assumes the call? What are the trade union centrals in our country today?

The questions are many and must be resolved in the heat of the developing popular 
process itself. An alternative must be built from below that clarifies the 
panorama and directs us towards a north in benefit of the interests of the 
working class and social movements. It is necessary to move from citizen outrage 
to confrontation with the economic model and the political system, in addition to 
extending and intensifying popular protest at the national level. Clearly it is 
time to bet on direct mass action and solidarity with the mobilized people and 
put on the table for discussion the frontal rejection of the Fujimori 
Constitution, its defenders and its false critics. Based on this dynamic, it is 
possible to prepare a General Strike and an articulated platform of struggle to 
establish a viable solution to the crisis generated.

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/32085
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