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(en) anarkismo.net: Greece, The end of the trip was not in Ithaca by Anarchists Ag. [machine translation]

Date Sat, 11 Jul 2020 10:34:54 +0300


About the 10 years of the memorandum ---- To resist and overthrow the oppressive regime that, as it goes, tightens its noose around people's necks. To claim that it belongs to us. To take our lives into our own hands. Build a prosperous future for future generations. To leave a revolutionary legacy in human history. ---- About the 10 years of the memorandum: the end of the trip was not in Ithaca ---- Ten years ago, in April 2010, the then Prime Minister of the country, G. Papandreou, announced in a speech from Kastelorizo the appeal of the deficient and indebted Greek state to the support mechanism. One month later, the "Easy Loan Agreement" was signed with the EU countries and the "Immediate Financial Financing Agreement" with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to provide financial assistance to Greece in the form of a loan of € 110 billion. . All of these agreements were named "Memorandum" for short, a "lender and debtor" agreement that included tough commitments to implement the program and disburse the installments. Something like that,

With the social crisis deepening and the working people suffocating from the successive measures to devalue their labor force, on March 1, 2012, a new memorandum was signed between the unelected Greek government and Prime Minister Lucas Papademos and the European Commission. Central Bank (ECB) and the IMF. The purpose was to feed back the contracts and the continuation of the memorandum programs, by granting a new loan of € 109 billion and a retroactive reduction of the "rescue" interest rates. In the same year, the transfer of the Greek debt to Anglo-Saxon law took place with the architect the constitutionalist populist politician of PASOK Venizelos,

In April 2014, the ND-PA.SO.K. announced the first exit of the Greek state in the capital markets with the issuance of a 7-year bond repayment period. Thus, the first "episode" of the premeditated fraud of the "success story" and the so-called "exit from the memoranda" directed by the Greek government was sealed. However, regime propaganda, fabricated messages of "market rejuvenation" and the spread of delusions about a "post-crisis era" have never been able to convince "investors", let alone the affected social base. On April 10, the day of the official exit to the markets, the building of the Bank of Greece was hit by the Revolutionary Struggle organization in a leading action of resistance to the policies of collapse and looting of the proletarian strata.

As the country's political and economic life was shaken by social disenfranchisement, attacks on politicians and popular protests, caretaker governments succeeded one another without party formations being able to secure government autonomy, a sign of great social liquidity and manifested throughout the political map. However, the accumulated social rage of the period could not find a way out with a positive project, as the inability to develop a liberal revolutionary overthrow movement and the absence of a revolutionary political organization reduced the struggles from potentially revolutionary to demanding. it limited resistance to occasional insurgency and left room for the forces of capital to organize their own reserves to save the political system. On the one hand, the rise of extreme right-wing populism and nationalist / racist rhetoric and, on the other, the "building" of the "leftist assignment" to SYRIZA, were the two main tools for managing the social crisis, assimilating anger and calming the resistance. . They were the two most catalytic factors for the systematic re-stabilization, the smooth continuation of the memoranda and the erection of embankments in the class / popular struggle that could not acquire a liberal / revolutionary character, as a result of which it was trapped in a dead end. the rise of extreme right-wing populism and nationalist / racist rhetoric and, on the other hand, the "building" of the "leftist assignment" to SYRIZA, were the two dominant tools for managing the social crisis, assimilating anger and appeasing resistance. They were the two most catalytic factors for the systematic re-stabilization, the smooth continuation of the memoranda and the erection of embankments in the class / popular struggle that could not acquire a liberal / revolutionary character, as a result of which it was trapped in a dead end. the rise of extreme right-wing populism and nationalist / racist rhetoric and, on the other hand, the "building" of the "left-wing assignment" to SYRIZA, were the two main tools for managing the social crisis, assimilating anger and appeasing resistance. They were the two most catalytic factors for the systematic re-stabilization, the smooth continuation of the memoranda and the erection of embankments in the class / popular struggle that could not acquire a libertarian / revolutionary character, as a result of which it was trapped in a dead end.

In January 2015, SYRIZA took over the helm of political management. The party that passed most of the pages of measures by any other memorandum government and struck disastrous lasting memoranda. With A. Tsipras as Prime Minister, after five and a half months of negotiations-fiasco and after a fake referendum (July 5, 2015), an agreement was signed on July 13 with the lenders for a new program or otherwise the 3rd Memorandum. Under the third loan agreement, the Greek state would receive a € 86 billion loan, which was to be gradually delivered from August 2015 to June 2018, with tough measures to accompany the 4 debt assessments until the end of the program.

without ratification of the contracts by the Greek Parliament - for the 2nd Memorandum: a) reduction by 22% of the minimum wage in all levels of the basic wage (from € 751.39 to € 586.08) and 32% in young people from 18 to 25 years old (from € 751.39 to € 510.95), b) cuts in pensions, allowances, health expenses, etc. c) full opening of 20 closed professions and personalized or operational employment contracts instead of sectoral ones - for the 3rd Memorandum: a) recapitalization of the Greek banking system b) privatization of 50 billion state assets c) "rationalization" of the VAT system and expansion of the tax base to increase revenues, reform the pension system, automatically reduce public spending and primary spending. - for the Polynomial Plan: a) increase from 14% to 17% the contribution of the farmers, b) abolition of EKAS from 2019, c) reduction by € 50m in the heating allowance. The social majority and, above all, the working class have come to know very well, through imposition from above, the thousands of pages of measures and demands that have been signed during these 10 years. Definitely much better than those who signed them.

During this decade, social resistance has taken many forms. During the period of 2010 the first mobilizations throughout Greece concerned general strikes, culminating on May 5 in the nationwide strike against the new austerity measures and Greece's involvement in the IMF, with the course of Athens being one of the largest recorded in recent Greek history and the number of protesters is estimated at around 250,000. In 2011, small initiative movements sprang up in all the cities of the country and mass mobilizations took place throughout the year, especially on the days when the Parliament ratified the respective unbearable measures. The strikes of February 23, May 11 with the bloodshed of the demonstration and the almost fatal injury of Giannis K.,

Then in 2012 and while the country's economy was in deep recession with unemployment at record levels, the accuracy increased with both the so-called then and as "hikes" extraordinary taxes to affect the majority of the working class, the protests continued to It is common. On February 12, the vote in the parliament of the second package and the criminal PSI was marked by huge demonstrations and the largest, most violent, violent and participatory clashes in the post-colonial era in central Athens, where tens of thousands of protesters set up roadblocks and clashed with their salaries. state. The occupation of the law, which had been turned into a center of struggle by anarchist forces since February 9, and a number of workers and youth, set the tone. Retired pharmacist Dimitris Christoulas committed suicide on April 4, 2012 in Syntagma Square, protesting the economic situation in Greece. On the evening of the same day, a demonstration took place on the occasion of the event. In the autumn of the same year, the aristocrat A. Merkel visits Athens, accompanied by demonstrations and incidents, as for this visit, the police took draconian measures that included blockades of roads and areas, in order to ensure her safe passage.

In a regime of social and political devaluation of the domestic political system, even if governments succeeded one another with huge abstention rates, the state's response to popular mobilizations throughout these two years was one: violent repression of all direction. No exceptions. Police in riot gear stormed a rally on Friday, removing hundreds of protesters by truck. Elderly people, people with health problems, minors and anyone who decided to put into practice the comprehensive "rescue" plan prepared by capitalism and the state were severely injured. The absence of self-defense structures, the organizational inability to confront the forces of state repression, strong popular / freedom militias,

The last major mobilizations of the period 2010-12 took place during the two-day strike on November 7-8, with the signs of "fatigue" and the decline of the struggles being evident. Tensions between the state and the citizens began to subside after the lack of a revolutionary project led the resistance to a stalemate. Somewhere there, the bourgeois social democracy made its appearance on the political scene with SYRIZA as its representative, although its influence on the "movements", the large demonstrations and the class / social processes were negligible. The fact that SYRIZA was strengthened and did not strengthen the mobilizations, confirms on the one hand that it was not their instigator (let alone "pioneering") and on the other hand that its popularity was not stimulated by the base's struggles, but by the power supply of the bourgeoisie. And his election rise did not take place at the height of the struggles, on the contrary he was pushed by their decline. In addition, the strengthening of SYRIZA did not reflect the "radicalization" of sections of society as misinterpreted at the time by its various offshoots (inside and outside the party) but marked the death of all its prospects.

With the double elections in May-June and the emergence of SYRIZA as the official opposition, the systemic victory and the institutional assignment of the "anti-memorandum struggle" to parliament had begun to take shape. The orderly composition of the mobilizations with the once state-run petty bourgeoisie being an important part of it, the national-patriotic crowns against the "bad Germans" "advising us" and the institutional fallacy of the (indeed) "unconstitutional" content of the memoranda had left significant political capitalization in systemic reserves (right and left) to reap the "demands" and stakes of social wrath. The exclusive reduction of the responsibility for the imposition of the memoranda to the "foreign invaders" and the "German 4th Reich",

Nationalist rhetoric about "Greece-Psorokostaina" has always turned a purely class issue into a national one. As domestic capitalists profited unhindered and inflated their bank accounts amid memoranda and Greek capitalist business activities in the Balkans continued to expand, cries and shouts of "national unity" between rich and poor pervaded the nation. From the "thieves-thieves", the juntas and the blue and whites of the indignant to the nationally proud "no" to the misleading referendums, the resurgence of "national cohesion" has been a constant goal of the regime. So, since governments have been described as "nationally traitorous" rather than bourgeois, consistent representatives of the interests of capital, On the other hand, the "pure patriots" ethnocentrisms, the savior institutional "memorandum eaters" (from Kamenos and every nationalist system, to Lafazanis and Tsipras) who would "tear" the memoranda, could also be found. Not on the streets, but in the parliamentary seats. Not by enforcing the revolutionary law of a society that claims its freedom, but by enforcing the "laws, the constitution, the national right."

So, even before taking power, the timeless historical role of social democracy, that of integrating and trapping class forces in bourgeois government, SYRIZA functioned as the useful systemic "launcher" at the critical time. It was prepared for the government by the bosses' forces (eg SEV), the regime's media and the state to mediate between the bourgeoisie and the "movements" of anger like the vanguard of the "state that continues". Leading as a pioneer and reformer from the left, as a "right" social democrat, he is preaching the opposition to tear up the memoranda. Later as a ruling party, the breakwater of the torrent of social resistance ends and through the implementation of a neoliberal political agenda it washes away and pulls the snake out of the hole for the state and the bourgeoisie, essentially finally voting 2 Memoranda and imposing measures that would otherwise face social resistance with major uprisings. Throughout his electoral term, SYRIZA imposed the will of capital, serving with excessive zeal the political and economic interests of the bourgeoisie, while at the same time socializing and massing the popular masses.

In the summer of 2018, outgoing Prime Minister A. Tsipras announced in a speech from Ithaca the country's exit from the rescue programs and announced the start of a "transitional period" during which economic policy will be drawn up independently by governments, which are "exempt." "Now, from the creditors' demands, they will be able to devise their own macroeconomic strategy without external commitments, which in itself implies" benefits "for the people and the weak. His expression "we went through many waves to reach our destination today" was not typical. But who really went through these waves?

The symbolic allegory with the choice of Odysseus' homeland as the background of the sermon was from the beginning clear in terms of the communicative messages he wanted to send and active in terms of the goals he wanted to achieve. The narrative of the left-wing government about the period of the "post-war memorandum" found in Ithaca the mythological representation of the "end of the journey", where the odyssey of the "Greek people" quickly finds redemption after "great sacrifices". The image of Ithaca was chosen to succeed Kastelorizo in the "collective unconscious", the location chosen by the PASOK government to announce the inclusion of the Greek state in the support mechanism.

The expiration of the loan agreements in the summer of 2018 was basically the consistent observance of the memorandum rules. The cessation of lending and the country's exit to the markets was only the fabricated warming of the "liking" of the markets to Greek bonds. Credit rating agencies have "instigated" investors' confidence in the Greek debt market, aiming at a direct resale and a short-term profit in the secondary market. As a team, we have repeatedly spoken of the "fraud" of exit in capital markets and low bond prices, and we have fully confirmed the time of the outbreak of the new crisis, where market insecurity has led to a massive shift in Greek debt and Greek debt. safe havens "(eg German bonds)

Subsequently, the termination of the loan agreements meant the continuation of the memoranda without the parallel financial support from the "lenders", since all the mechanisms that ensured the automated implementation of the memoranda, regardless of whether it is in place, were formed in the context of debt assessments. some loan agreement. Commitment to primary surpluses by 2060, surpluses that, if not covered, will be addressed through proper "fiscal interventions", the privatization super fund, a reduction in pensions and an increase in the retirement age are just some of SYRIZ's "legacy" to hide behind any "anti-memorandum" or "post-memorandum" myth.

With the New Democracy taking over the government, the declarations of the "end of the crisis" and the success stories of the "return to normalcy" come and go. Nevertheless, the messages for a New Recession and a new episode of the systemic crisis were clear. In this way, ND comes to convince the Greek society that "the best days have arrived" by concealing the real facts and through a neoliberal political line it is preparing the ground for further violation of labor acquis, individual and social rights, privatizations of all kinds, looting. At the same time, preparations for the coming of the new recession and the suppression of impending outbursts of social outrage are becoming urgent: the re-emergence of the motorized gang (former D), police in the neighborhoods, racist pogroms in the streets from uniformed bastards, police camps in Exarchia, etc. A "agenda" that is perceived by circles friendly to SYRIZA as "ideological obsession of the right" and through a sterile substitute rhetoric attempts to emerge as "fascist" with a dual goal: to present the SYRIZA government as more "progressive" and mildly "in managing the resistance and at the same time cutting off the class matrix of state authoritarianism. As a result, protests against the "fascism of the SW" began to intensify after each evacuation of occupation or violent events (eg Kypseli) while the mobilizations with clearer political content, the resistance against the effects of the crisis, its intensification labor exploitation are secondary. racist pogroms in the streets from uniformed bastards, police camps in Exarchia, etc. A "agenda" that is perceived by circles friendly to SYRIZA as "ideological obsession of the right" and through a sterile substitute rhetoric attempts to emerge as "fascist" with a dual goal: to present the SYRIZA government as more "progressive" and mildly "in managing the resistance and at the same time cutting off the class matrix of state authoritarianism. As a result, protests against the "fascism of the SW" began to intensify after each evacuation of occupation or violent events (eg Kypseli) while the mobilizations with clearer political content, the resistance against the effects of the crisis, its intensification labor exploitation are secondary. racist pogroms in the streets from uniformed bastards, police camps in Exarchia, etc. A "agenda" that is perceived by circles friendly to SYRIZA as "ideological obsession of the right" and through a sterile substitute rhetoric attempts to emerge as "fascist" with a dual goal: to present the SYRIZA government as more "progressive" and mildly "in managing the resistance and at the same time cutting off the class matrix of state authoritarianism. As a result, protests against the "fascism of the SW" began to intensify after each evacuation of occupation or violent events (eg Kypseli) while the mobilizations with clearer political content, the resistance against the effects of the crisis, its intensification labor exploitation are secondary. camping of police officers in Exarchia, etc. A "agenda" that is perceived by SYRIZA-friendly circles as an "ideological obsession of the right" and through a sterile substitute rhetoric attempts to emerge as "fascist" with a dual goal: to present the SYRIZA government as more "progressive" and mildly "in managing the resistance and at the same time cutting off the class matrix of state authoritarianism. As a result, protests against the "fascism of the SW" began to intensify after each evacuation of occupation or violent events (eg Kypseli) while the mobilizations with clearer political content, the resistance against the effects of the crisis, its sharpening labor exploitation are secondary. camping of police officers in Exarchia, etc. A "agenda" that is perceived by SYRIZA-friendly circles as an "ideological obsession of the right" and through a sterile substitute rhetoric attempts to emerge as "fascist" with a dual goal: to present the SYRIZA government as more "progressive" and mildly "in managing the resistance and at the same time cutting off the class matrix of state authoritarianism. As a result, protests against the "fascism of the SW" began to intensify after each evacuation of occupation or violent events (eg Kypseli) while the mobilizations with clearer political content, the resistance against the effects of the crisis, its sharpening labor exploitation are secondary. A "agenda" that is perceived by circles friendly to SYRIZA as "ideological obsession of the right" and through a sterile substitute rhetoric attempts to emerge as "fascist" with a dual goal: to present the SYRIZA government as more "progressive" and mildly "in managing the resistance and at the same time cutting off the class matrix of state authoritarianism. As a result, protests against the "fascism of the SW" began to intensify after each evacuation of occupation or violent events (eg Kypseli) while the mobilizations with clearer political content, the resistance against the effects of the crisis, its intensification labor exploitation are secondary. A "agenda" that is perceived by SYRIZA-friendly circles as an "ideological obsession of the right" and through a sterile substitute rhetoric attempts to emerge as "fascist" with a dual goal: to present the SYRIZA government as more "progressive" and mildly "in managing the resistance and at the same time cutting off the class matrix of state authoritarianism. As a result, protests against the "fascism of the SW" began to intensify after each evacuation of occupation or violent events (eg Kypseli) while the mobilizations with clearer political content, the resistance against the effects of the crisis, its intensification labor exploitation are secondary.

With the signs that the crisis is never over, but instead deepening to be many and evident in the global economy, a new episode of the crisis is breaking out to confirm this condition. The Covid-19 pandemic is changing radically and across the course of world social, political and economic history. Whichever way we look at the current situation, the new episode of the crisis confirms the weaknesses of the system that are perpetuated and covered by a multitude of regime ideological mechanisms, confirming how vulnerable and unprepared it is for "emergencies" manages without the universal social consensus as well as how necessary it is for the capitalist system to survive the New Recession in which the globalized market enters. Thus, once again, the narratives of the "perfection of capitalism" (sic) and the "end of history" based on the current state capitalist model of managing social affairs are fragmented, if nothing else, by any reformist perspective and reform proposal. "Humanization" of the system is now manifested as ungrounded and ineffective for the lower levels of class structure. The aggressive restructuring of world capital is bringing closer and closer the possibility of imposing new Memoranda or measures of strong "fiscal control" which will lead to the fact that we have lived these 10 years even more intensified. Violation of labor rights, thousands of layoffs in all sectors, precarious and unpaid work, the abolition of social freedoms and resistance, more houses in the hammer of banks, more privatizations, less public spending, taxes out of nowhere, a sharp rise in the percentage of those living under or below the poverty line. In other words, misery, misery, pain and death are what promise us an immediate future so that we do not rebel.

But how can we not rebel? How can we leave unanswered the insults that human dignity receives? In a world for a few, none of us can fit. As Anarchists we stand against the plans of predatory capitalism whose sole purpose is to devalue human life in simple survival, encroachment and plunder of the Earth, the abolition of social and labor acquis, the greedy profitability of capitalists through the privatization of surplus value. our labor force. Our goal is to create another social organization. A society without a state but with trade unions, councils of Communities (communities) and popular assemblies that will be interconnected at the federal level, who will make decisions with horizontal procedures giving everyone the opportunity to decide on their lives. A society where through the replacement of property by the socialization of all the products and services necessary for man, will give space to each and every one to excel by offering to the community the skills with which he was endowed by Nature and not by working for the sole purpose of livelihood. We propose a federalist social organization, the basic principle of which will be: "from each according to his abilities - to each according to his needs." Bourgeois democracy, the class structure of society, the state, the free market economy, (new) liberalism and its representatives are institutions,

In order for our goals to be realized, we believe that we must adhere to the perspective of the only condition that will bring about this coveted change, the Social Revolution. In other words, to move to the just ataxic-extremist society that we envision through a specific revolutionary program, with overall organizational positions and proposals around the issues that concern the human community and beyond. To resist and overthrow the oppressive regime that, as it goes, tightens its noose around people's necks. To claim that it belongs to us. To take our lives into our own hands. Build a prosperous future for future generations. To leave a revolutionary legacy in human history. If I, you, he, we, don't revolt, then who?

With the theme of "10 years of memoranda" and the central slogan "Anarchism or Barbarism" we are currently conducting an anti-information and resistance campaign in the neighborhoods of Agioi Anargyroi, Kamatero, Ilio and the surrounding areas, with eyes on preparation. and organizing new races and new explosions that are just around the corner. The main goal of our wider action is for our voice to reach every home, every employee and every youth in the area, expanding intervention methods and discovering new ones. In this effort, we call on our comrades, friends and friends who are inspired by anarchist projects and liberal values, who find general agreements with our analyzes and positions, in participation and organization for the strengthening of an anarchist pole of organization, resistance and battle in the western districts. It is a time of organization, militarization, revolutionary responsibility and great decisions for the movement and society we want.

To finally find the odyssey of the oppressed her own Ithaca.

Anarchist Saints Anargyron-Kamatero initiative
Related Link: http://protaanka.espivblogs.net

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/31966
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