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(en) Greece, Thessaloniki Freedom Initiative: In the face of the state-capitalist and capitalist politics of keeping the practices of solidarity and mutual aid alive. [machine translation]

Date Tue, 31 Mar 2020 10:04:56 +0300


The outbreak of such a large-scale pandemic is the springboard for a crisis that, in addition to its obvious health dimensions, has financial crisis characteristics. In the already tense historical period of the global structural capitalist crisis of accumulation, which made its potential start in 2008, the present pandemic is coming to further destabilize the foundations of the system and exacerbate the social and class conflicts within it. The proponents of the capitalist system of production, in the vanguard of unexpected developments, are taking a series of drastic restructuring measures to maintain a system subject to shocks of immeasurable economic and political costs. ---- At the same time, the system's response to this current phase is to impose an emergency regime, with minimum rights restrictions and a traffic ban. A ban under the guise of protecting the population, as it appears that huge deficiencies in logistical and human resources in public health make it impossible for the state to manage a possible widespread virus, precisely because of the deterioration, or the closure of public hospitals. This is, moreover, an unpleasant situation for the state, as the prohibition on the movement or movement of the substance seriously affects the consumption of goods, which is undesirable in capitalism. However, Traffic is not prohibited for people who engage in capital-profitable activities, such as working in the workplace. But it is certain that this measure will be used as yet another repressive weapon in the quagmire of the state aimed at further controlling social life and the overall restructuring of war production and economy. The bosses and their political staff, in cutting through their system of bankruptcy, call for a sense of national unity and social consensus in state authoritarianism, seeking to penetrate the social basis of the culture of complicity in the crisis of the system. the exploitation of this measure as yet another repressive weapon in the quagmire of the state aimed at further controlling social life and the overall restructuring of war production and economy. The bosses and their political staff, in cutting through their system of bankruptcy, call for a sense of national unity and social consensus in state authoritarianism, seeking to penetrate the social basis of the culture of complicity in the crisis of the system. the exploitation of this measure as yet another repressive weapon in the quagmire of the state aimed at further controlling social life and the overall restructuring of war production and economy. The bosses and their political staff, in cutting through their system of bankruptcy, call for a sense of national unity and social consensus in state authoritarianism, seeking to penetrate the social basis of the culture of complicity in the crisis of the system.

So it is understood that for the world of capital, conditions require open factories in areas of the economy that are not vital to society at this time. Workers are required to be obedient and stacked on workplaces without protective measures, sanitary equipment and to work many overtime (We mention the call center workers, the deli workers and a vast list of industries and crafts). There are serious indications, however, that the spread of the virus in Italy in recent days, which is banned, is due to open industries. The reshaping of labor relations, the new flexible and distance working forms, the 50% wage cuts for six months through legislative action, the institutionalization of employer inactivity, labor rights cuts and redundancies are paramount to saving the neoliberal market economy. In contrast to all this, the state elaborates and implements a series of measures to defend the interests of the bourgeoisie. From a 40% reduction in rent rates for large businesses, a four-month VAT suspension for up to a reduction in employer insurance contributions.

However, it is of the utmost importance to make it clear to the world on the basis of the social and class pyramid that the state hates life. The bourgeoisie and its political expressors do not give a damn about the lives of the exploiters, insofar as they do not contribute to the reproduction of capitalist relations of production, inasmuch as parts of the working class are not currently productive and produce no profit for the bosses. . The most classically undervalued and excluded pieces of the social base - unemployed, insecure workers, immigrants, incarcerated in prison or concentration camps and drug addicts - are thrown out of the social fabric and left to survive as they may or may not die, at the same time that - even before the health crisis - patients were being ranched in disadvantaged hospitals, without access to adequate health care. Within this context, only hypocrisy and ridicule can be considered the government's call to volunteers to help the state provide health services.

Moreover, at the same time that the state imposes a ban on the movement of citizens, at the same time the Prime Minister's word of mouth is that "this is the citizen's time". But the truth is that this is not the citizen's time - supposedly to behave responsibly according to state narrative. On the contrary, this is the time for the state, showing its disgusting face, having lost its 'democratic' sensibilities, in order to be able to ground the ideology of 'citizen responsibility' socially. In essence, we are dealing with the dual language of power, as the state seeks, on the one hand, to take away from it its enormous responsibility for the diminishing and dismantling of public health and the underfunding of its structures, passing on these responsibilities to the back of the social base, which is allegedly responsible for transmitting the virus. In this way, the state is trying to flush the eyes of the social majority, because it is precisely what has long closed one hospital after another, pushing them from the bottom to private clinics, treating public health as a commodity . On the other hand, through the regime of exemption from normalcy, the Authority seeks to impose on them the fear, the passivity and the acceptance of their alleged wrongdoing. It seeks to create citizens, obedient and obedient to its commands, people scared and bowed. Individualized individuals without solidarity and coherent social ties between them, who will entrust the state apparatus with their own lives, a life nevertheless looted by state policies, a fragmented society that must erase from its collective consciousness the social practices of solidarity, mutual aid and cooperation but also its common struggles against the rulers. All this in order for the state to enforce the silence of the cemetery and to apply its own criminal and antisocial practices more easily.

After all, the dismantling of the public health system, the overthrow of any concept of social welfare and the protection of the weak, and the pillaging of the social base is a matter of sovereignty. The enormous equipment costs incurred in the last decade ($ 44 billion) for the military, the reduction of state funding for health by 42.8% and the purchases of F16 fighter aircraft are a matter of sovereignty. Anyone who thinks that health is a commodity, bought and bought with indifference to human life, is a criminal. Anyone who says the health system is prepared to deal with the situation being deficient in medical supplies, ICUs and staff, says that by 2020, 800 doctors' contracts were not renewed, 1500 recruitments were canceled and 700 were not fixed, they are also criminals. Anyone who faces a public health crisis with police measures and instead of massively testing the population to help stop the spread of the virus chooses to militarize daily life, he is a criminal. Anyone who decides, in the current situation, to make money with the private sector and pay a daily compensation of € 1,600 to private ICUs, rather than order them, is a criminal. Anyone who practices or promotes blackmail or believes that the crisis generates opportunities is the criminal in turn. to make money with the private sector and pay a daily allowance of € 1,600 to private ICUs, instead of ordering them, he is a criminal. Anyone who practices or promotes blackmail or believes that the crisis generates opportunities is the criminal in turn. to make money with the private sector and pay a daily allowance of € 1,600 to private ICUs, instead of ordering them, he is a criminal. Anyone who practices or promotes blackmail or believes that the crisis generates opportunities is the criminal in turn.

In conclusion, in the face of the fear, guilt, passivity, and personalization that detainees - through their ideological mechanisms - are trying to inflict on the social basis, against trying to load their own responsibilities for dissolution on the backs of society of public health and care we must show that capitalism hates life. In the face of a system that only has to offer the modern proletarians more poverty, destitution, death, exploitation and oppression, we are called upon to move in the direction of politically organizing the movement and classifying the workers for militant confrontation with whatever it is. to come. The competitive movement should work from now on to formulate a collective strategic planning, to be in a better position to fight the raging class competition. The structural contradictions of capitalism and the sharpening of contradictions must be interpreted as conditions of historical opportunity for the forces of the movement and embodied in the spark of the revolutionary perspective. In the face of the barbarism of the state and of capital, to promote and reinforce the ruthless, anti-institutional and militant struggles for the revolutionary transformation of productive-social relations and the emancipation of our class. So we are absolutely convinced that soon the social base and its organized forces will face this totalitarian system. Our accounts with the bourgeois system were, are and will be open. The structural contradictions of capitalism and the sharpening of contradictions must be interpreted as conditions of historical opportunity for the forces of the movement and embodied in the spark of the revolutionary perspective. In the face of the barbarism of the state and of capital, to promote and reinforce the ruthless, anti-institutional and militant struggles for the revolutionary transformation of productive-social relations and the emancipation of our class. So we are absolutely convinced that soon the social base and its organized forces will face this totalitarian system. Our accounts with the bourgeois system were, are and will be open. The structural contradictions of capitalism and the sharpening of contradictions must be interpreted as conditions of historical opportunity for the forces of the movement and embodied in the spark of the revolutionary perspective. In the face of the barbarism of the state and of capital, to promote and reinforce the ruthless, anti-institutional and militant struggles for the revolutionary transformation of productive-social relations and the emancipation of our class. So we are absolutely convinced that soon the social base and its organized forces will face this totalitarian system. Our accounts with the bourgeois system were, are and will be open. they should be interpreted as conditions of historical opportunity for the forces of the movement and embodied in the spark of the revolutionary perspective. In the face of the barbarism of the state and of capital, to promote and reinforce the ruthless, anti-institutional and militant struggles for the revolutionary transformation of productive-social relations and the emancipation of our class. So we are absolutely convinced that soon the social base and its organized forces will face this totalitarian system. Our accounts with the bourgeois system were, are and will be open. they should be interpreted as conditions of historical opportunity for the forces of the movement and embodied in the spark of the revolutionary perspective. In the face of the barbarism of the state and of capital, to promote and reinforce the ruthless, anti-institutional and militant struggles for the revolutionary transformation of productive-social relations and the emancipation of our class. So we are absolutely convinced that soon the social base and its organized forces will face this totalitarian system. Our accounts with the bourgeois system were, are and will be open. anti-institutional and militant struggles for the revolutionary transformation of productive-social relations and the emancipation of our class. So we are absolutely convinced that soon the social base and its organized forces will face this totalitarian system. Our accounts with the bourgeois system were, are and will be open. anti-institutional and militant struggles for the revolutionary transformation of productive-social relations and the emancipation of our class. So we are absolutely convinced that soon the social base and its organized forces will face this totalitarian system. Our accounts with the bourgeois system were, are and will be open.

AGAINST EMERGENCY EMERGENCY AND LIFE DEVELOPMENT BY THE STATE AND CAPITAL

LOOK FORWARD TO OUR SOCIAL NEEDS AND OUR CLASSES INTEREST

IMMEDIATE SATISFACTION OF HEALTH WORKERS 'REQUIREMENTS

RESISTANCE - SOLIDARITY - SOLIDARITY

STRUGGLE AGAINST STATE AND CAPITAL CAPACITY

Anarchist Federation

Site:http://www.anarchist-federation.gr Youtube: Anarchist Federation
email: anarchist-federation@riseup.net
Twitter: twitter.com/anarchistfedGr
Fb: facebook.com/anarxikiomospondia2015

https://libertasalonica.wordpress.com/2020/03/27/
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