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(en) Greece, Anarchist Political Organization APO - POLITICAL DECLARATION OF THE THIRD SESSION OF ANARCHICAL ORGANIZATION POLICY [machine translation]

Date Sat, 9 Feb 2019 11:33:26 +0200

The 3rd Sessionof the An Anarchist Politics Organization-Federation of Collectives took place in the occupation of Mundo Nuevo, in Thessaloniki, on 2 and 1 December. On the morning of the first day, the open discussion of the analysis of the social and political circumstances and the open political statements regarding the hitherto experience of the operation of the organizational project took place. In this process, apart from the collectives-members of APO. (anarchist collections "Circle of Fire" and "Omikron 72" from Athens, collectivity for libertarian Communism Libertatia and collectivity for social anarchism "Black and Red" from Thessaloniki and anarchist group "Dysenium Equus" from Patras) participated the Pueblo anarchist college was also placed in Thessaloniki.
The conference continued with the enrichment of the statute's positions (two new positions for the "looting of nature" and the "educational process" after the completion of the pre-congress dialogue procedures), the review of the permanent collective and decisive body of A, PO, working groups (anti-information, translations and international contacts), editorial team of the anarchist newspaper "Earth and Freedom" and special thematic groups (anti-patriarchal group). Also, the initiatives taken over by the APO have been rewarded. and the strategy was drawn up until the next conference.

The proceedings of the conference were closed by ratification of decisions on positions, tactics and strategy issues and the definition of the next Conference to be held in the summer of 2019 in Patras and the next Conference to be held at a year in Athens.

The positions of the APO-member groups they start from the notion that the organization is part of the wider movement against state and capitalist barbarism, refers to it and interacts with it, highlighting the realism and effectiveness of the choice of organized anarchist struggle and attempting to provide ground for overcoming the partial and reflexive protest, in order to create a comprehensive anarchist revolutionary proposal drawing inspiration from the struggles of today. The experience itself and the chronic involvement in this struggle show that the organization is an important prerequisite for its development, aiming at the preparation of as complete as possible a more comprehensive political-revolutionary project-plan, both for the ever-increasing needs of the struggles in the present and for eloquence in society of a realistic proposal that puts at the core of the vision of a future emancipated and self-directed social organization. As life is not possible without co-operation and solidarity, so the struggle and the revolution are not feasible without a pre-existing revolutionary organization.

In the present historical phase, the bankrupt political, ideological, value and economic status, no longer promising anything beyond wars, exclusions, and impoverishment, is shielded from the prospect of a dynamic expression of generalized social dissatisfaction, both locally and internationally. It is the time when states and bosses are trying to impose in the social majority their announcements of "the end of history", trying to convince in every way that there is no alternative to human societies beyond where the great a social majority will be forced to live stigmatized by poverty and poverty, hardships and illnesses, wars and disasters. The state and capitalist machinery is attempting to intensify inequalities, oppression and exploitation. With the aim of increasing power and control, sovereignty does not hesitate to form warfare in the periphery, while continuing to strike against the rebellious strata in the West, establishing the bleak reality of modern totalitarianism. The Emergency Regime is widening, consolidating the Exclusion Status as the basic norm of organizing life, and shaping the conditions for the constitution of the Society-Camp. establishing the grim reality of modern totalitarianism. The Emergency Regime is widening, consolidating the Exclusion Status as the basic norm of organizing life, and shaping the conditions for the constitution of the Society-Camp. establishing the grim reality of modern totalitarianism. The Emergency Regime is widening, consolidating the Exclusion Status as the basic norm of organizing life, and shaping the conditions for the constitution of the Society-Camp.

This generalized attack on the sovereigns is conducted with the ultimate goal of fully controlling human societies, enforcing absolute power over them, plundering the natural world and wealth. From Syria to the United States, from Istanbul to Western Europe and South America, political and economic bosses have targeted the overwhelming majority of exploited and oppressed people, quenching more and more repression, plunder and death.

On the other hand, in the face of the international anti-social alliance of the world elites and the warring societies they prepare, the endless liberation capabilities of raids that break out all over the world are emerging. From Rosawa to Chiapas, from Brazilian favela to the anti-fascist barricades of Western Europe and the Balkans, the Social Revolution Case is still alive, puts down the attack on the state and the bosses and shapes the terms of the social and class retaliation .

It is this social and classical counterattache that frightens the masters so much that they employ the more black the human history has to show to stop it. Because of the generalized crisis of the state-capitalist system, the margin for consensus is increasingly limited in its sovereign plans. For this reason, they are already being taken over by the quaint power of the Powers, and their right-wing and fascist reserves, the Counter-Resistance Camp, have taken international action to pave the way for the achievement of the strategic aspirations of the Power. From Brazil to Bolsonaro, to Europe-Visegrad Fortress, the right-hand turn to Italy and France, the Balkans of nationalism and Turkey's Erdogan, fascism is the "response" of the system to its overall and profound crisis, to its own contradictions. Controversies caused by the irrepressible conflict imposed by its basic principle, exploitation and oppression of man by man. Together with the war, and the threat of generalization, they make up the iron grid of power that spreads globally.

In Greece, the administrative delusions that the Social Democratic version of modern totalitarianism has sowed in recent years have done their part fully. The state and capitalist assault continues, imposing the one-way course of exploitation and oppression, while attempting to extend the life of the already bankrupt system through the decomposition of social-class resistances, national reconciliation and disagreement. At the same time, through a renewed rhetoric about "leaving the memorandums", it is once again attempted to obtain legitimacy for the next rounds of plunder of the overwhelming majority of society being prepared, once again cultivating delusions of embellishing the system.

At the same time, the counter-revolutionary camp is already here and prepares to perform its special role. On the occasion of the stir of the so-called "Macedonian issue" according to the EU's instructions. and NATO, nationalism is being reconstructed in order to prepare the strategic plan for the interdependence of the exploited classes. Fascist strike groups are coordinated with the most conservative aspects of the nation's torso (paramilitary groups, ecclesiastical organizations, far-right parties, paratroopers), compiling the counter-revolutionary and fascist reserve for the state and the ruling class. At the same time, they create a climate of disorientation of those exploited by real social problems, disseminating intolerance and clustering the most reactionary social reflexes.

In addition, in the present political context, the regime exploits left-wing political management by promoting, alongside the blow, the integration and decommissioning of social and class resistances, the coexistence of diffuse anti-government social indignation with the fascist rhetoric of nationalism, racism , intolerance and security, looking forward to the spread of its influence. At the same time, the leftist left, as the other facet of modern state totalitarianism, denounces, lapses and denigrates the universal values of solidarity, humanity and equality.

In the formation of conditions of social decision-making, the dissolution of social ties, the lack of class consciousness and the absence of a culture of collective solution of the problems arising from the war of state and bosses against every concept of common and collective, with the main result the conflict between the poor and excluded. A revolving force between the slaves of society. Social cannibalism is a condition desired and promoted by the masters, since it manipulates social anger by transferring its outburst from the real responsible for the misery of this world and channeling it into an endless war of "all against all" within the ranks of the exploited.

Within this reality of complete sepsis, it is required for the system to postpone social consensus in its design. However, state and capitalist barbarism is not eligible for electoral "solutions" nor does it raise any other consensus. For the exploited masses, the polls that are about to be set up in the next period have nothing to promise but a greater exacerbation of the conditions of slavery through the strengthening of the regime's re-legitimation of its representation policy. Intensity of exploitation and oppression, social intimidation through unemployment, impoverishment and repression.

On the one hand, the continuation of existing management will mean even greater denervation of social-class resistances and kinematic disarmament, at a time when the recovery and widening of the collective struggles of society - and especially those emerging from the bottom - is a constant stake , in order to put a barrier in the pursuit of state-capital-fascists. On the other hand, the return to the neo-liberal version will trigger a new war round to those currently in the political-economic system. The poor, the parodies, the struggling. The obvious aim is to subdue them to pave the way for the unimpeded enforcement of the plans of the political and economic elites who want to impose social conditions on labor camps.

Regardless of the outcome of the election, it is certain that the next day will be the beginning of a new fierce round of repression of the social and class movements, especially the anarchist-anti-authoritarian, against which a sweeping repressive attack which will aim not only at limiting it, but at its total extermination. The political presence and action of anarchists all past years, the project of self-organized and bottom-resistance, the vision of the Social Revolution, as the only realistic alternative to society in the face of the allegedly inaction of state and capitalist septicemia, in its darkness fascism and the deadlocks of reformist,

Against the bleak outlook of Modern Integration, social and class resistance, the struggles of people around the world to thwart state capitalist barbarity, emerge as the only hope. Within these struggles, anarchists live and breathe. Our organized political presence and action on the existing struggle fronts and the formation of young people want to be the bridge between real social needs and moods and anarchist worldview and practice so that the resistance becomes the spur of social and class emancipation. From these struggles we draw power and we are told to continue:

In struggles against war, military bases, and militarism, while the clouds of yet another great war are thickening over humanity.
Solidarity mobilizations for migrants and refugees, opt-outs, squatters and concentration camps. For freedom of movement and solidarity between peoples.
The internationalist barricades against war, nationalism and fascism. From Kamara and Propylaea, to the Transylvanian, internationalist demonstration of solidarity in the occupation of Libertatia in Thessaloniki.
In the crack of the fascist-fascist strike groups on the streets, neighborhoods and schools, in whatever field they attempt to raise their heads, and resistances stand up against them.
In the struggles to defend the occupied and self-organized areas of life and resistance, as a reference point for the struggle for the Social Revolution. In implementing the plan to rebuild the occupation of Libertatia by the forces of the movement. To defeat solidarity!
In the struggles to defend class gains. From defending the first home and the Sunday holiday to safeguarding the right to strike up to the possibilities of developing a base-based assertive and militant syndication, as demonstrated by the organized November 1 cross-party strike.
In the struggles to defend the basic social goods and to give them free access to them. From food and housing, to electricity, water and transport.
On the mobilizations of women - from Mexico to Turkey - against the state, capitalism and patriarchy, for emancipation and freedom.
In the struggles to defend the natural world and the local societies against their plunder and destruction. From Acheloos and Skouries to Lefkimmi and Agrafa.
In the militant protests against drug abuse, state repression and social cannibalism in Exarchia, revitalizing resistance and kinematic culture in an area of historical symbolic significance for the struggle.
In the struggles for the prevalence of collectivity and solidarity towards individualization and social cannibalism.
In the protests for the preservation of social and class memory and for the promotion of the historic necessity to reopen the uprisings of today. From May 1st to the Polytechnic uprising and December. And from Chile, Mexico and the USA, to France and Turkey.
Against the barbarity of the war and modern totalitarianism manifested on a global scale (restructuring, emergency, exception regime, pillage of nature, war operations and constant preparations for new ones), as anarchists, we have to foreclose the weapons of social, of international solidarity, recognizing that nowadays it is more imperative than ever to link the struggling internationally and the common struggle against the common assault we accept. In every open front of the social and class struggle, where the aggression of the state and capital manifests, attempting the radicalization of the struggles through their connection with the universal social vision of social and class emancipation.
Faced with the attack of the decadent power world, we have to confront the solidarity of our common struggles. Against the dystopia of modern totalitarianism, where the vast majority is impoverished and subdued, we contrast the libertarian society, organized by the federal social councils "for Freedom of Everyone and Equality of All."


January 2019

Anarchist Political Organization - Federation of Collectivities

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