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(en) anarkismo.net: To strengthen the popular organization to deepen the fight -- The Opinion Letter of the Uruguayan Anarchist Federation - fAu for the month of September 2018. (ca, it) [machine translation]

Date Tue, 2 Oct 2018 08:56:12 +0300

WAGE TIPS ---- Two clear examples of how the bosses come for everything: one, layoffs in Saman arguing that production has declined, closing a stockpile in Rio Branco when there was still work and reorganizing production in another location and the Association of Growers of Rice will rise from the negotiation table of the Salary Councils, after having proposed a 0% salary increase. Two, the strong patron barrage in Conaprole to destroy union conquests denounced as "privileges" by the employers. These two examples speak clearly of employers' pretensions: salary reductions, non-existent or weak unions, piecework and no time limit, etc. Return to nineteenth century working conditions if they could, -- For now here they press and play thinking about the electoral campaign. But they are getting concrete returns: this class offensive is not restrained by the government; only a lukewarm debate but that does not place concrete measures to touch the employer's interests. Nor is it possible to put a stop to the popular movement, beyond concrete cases and fights that occur, today there is not enough strength and mobilization to stop the strong popular organizations against this bosses' onslaught. For some actors, the electoral campaign also weighs.

What is at stake is the processing of the adjustment. To the Uruguayan, but of an adjustment to the end, which will surely unfold after the elections and have by 2020 -21 an important impact on the popular classes. The only way to avoid the adjustment is with fighting and pulling conquests. And the executor of the adjustment, the one who carries it out, can be any government, whatever sign it may be. The only variant would be the greater or lesser graduality of it.

Salary Councils will have little impact on the economic situation, because even if the negotiating guidelines of the Executive Power are exceeded, there will not be a redistribution of wealth or anything like that. With luck, some sectors will compensate for inflation.
But fundamentally, the country's economic situation is deteriorating at a steady pace. The economy is still growing, but there are fewer and fewer jobs in the industry. It is estimated that globally there are 50 thousand fewer jobs. Many expect the "salvation" of UPM, millionaire investment that will impact on the GDP and in a segment of employment surely, but that will not modify the general conditions of the economic and social situation (on the contrary, it will aggravate it in the long term) and that It will deliver even more to foreign capital to an important sector of the economy (port, railroads, etc.) and natural assets (water, land).

This "injection of capital" will only prolong the current economic situation a little more over time, but the general deterioration of it will not be stopped. Moreover, surely this "capital injection" of UPM will be a real bridge to the outside, since virtually none of the inputs with which the plant will be built will be manufactured in Uruguay, which increases economic dependence and undermines the work possibilities in the country. These projects are already designed from abroad and thus apply.

But the other interesting factor is how certain "neutral" actors, economists of certain prestigious bourgeois consultants, make their economic projections, painting a panorama of heavy clouds, but the "economic measures" that they propose, are simply and simply, download the adjustment about the town.

Let's see: the first point is to delimit the Salary Councils to a negotiation by company and at a general level only to discuss minimum wages by category; Another axis is to reduce the fiscal deficit by not allowing the entry of public officials during 4 or 5 years, with which the State "would save" two points of the GDP. Others propose directly to reduce strongly the number of public officials. With this, certain services would be liquidated and others could be privatized. Would not more than two points be reduced if the budget of the Ministry of the Interior is lowered which takes 9% of the GDP and the Armed Forces are dismantled?

Another fundamental axis is to increase taxes, but on workers: VAT, IMESI and IRPF, but that is not recommended, increase the IRAE, the only specific employer tax "because companies do not have sufficient profitability." A whole tax policy of class: not to touch the bosses' profits and make the people pay.

And the strawberry of the cake: devalue, follow the path of Argentina and Brazil to "improve competitiveness", lowering costs of labor. With the consequent increase in prices and its social consequences. A whole social policy in favor of the rural bourgeoisie, mainly. Practically the same proposals were heard at the closing of the Prado Expo by the Rural Association.

They started with everything at the beginning of the year. In these months, with the situation indicated above, pre-candidacies appear. In the National Party already there are six precandidates, the FA has not yet defined them but unusual names appear, even in the Colorado Party the bid is fierce. Novick remains unscathed. But there is still time for the dance of names to follow. Basically there are two speeches: for the fourth FA government or the focus on efficient management, business. No programs and great debates. The space of government has been reduced to that: to manage. And in addition to that the space of the policy has been reduced, emptying of content all proposal and general political debate. That ideological role that the electoral campaign fulfills today, that of bastardizing the notion of politics in a broad sense, focusing everything on cheap bourgeois politicking, It also has effects in the popular field. This discourages all the participation of those at the bottom in the substantive debates and the class struggle, it undermines the political capacity of the people and turns it into a mere spectator and receiver of an empty discourse.
But she also demonstrates that the political class is a mere manager of bourgeois power; you do not even have to debate and think about how you are going to govern, the recipe book is coming, which only admits some small variations in some ingredients. But the substantial is already.

We expect more than a year of sale of candidates; but in all this period the popular needs will be absent: the salary, the education, the housing, the work, the health, they will only serve as decoration to the canopies of the candidates. But for those below, the elections do not indicate anything or mark the times or limits to fight for our rights and claims.

Since his assumption as Commander-in-Chief of the Army, Guido Manini Ríos has been making statements of a clear political nature. The draft Law of the Reform of the Military Box and the vote of it in the Senate, have triggered the meetings and statements of the Military Center and other organizations of military retirees (many of its members linked to the dictatorship), but also of Manini Rivers that has come to question the project and to make policy in defense of the Army. His sayings and publications on the networks have a whiff of coup, among others frequently greet the Brazilian Army and its Commander, General Villas Boas, who has expressed the possibility of military intervention and has strongly opined on the domestic policy of his country.
Manini Ríos comes from a family of the most rancid oligarchy, belonging to the most reactionary sectors of the Colorado Party, with members of the Uruguayan Youth Standing as Hugo Manini Ríos, former president of the Rural Association and ally in multiple instances of the FA government, owners of coup newspapers like "La Mañana" and "El Diario", etc. An exemplary family ... exemplary fascist.

The sanction that the Executive Power imposed on Manini Rios for his public statements, has unleashed a barrage of statements and movements, especially from the military retired and the Army itself, in support of Manini. They circulated a series of audios where some military mentions reserve movements, going to receive Manini Ríos at the airport on Monday 17 and other actions that would take place in the past days. Beyond much of the content of these audios is crazy or unlikely real occurrence, it is worrisome that circulate this type of audio and above all: who makes them circulate?, Who thought and made these audios and with what purpose?

The own Manini has been in charge of asking that nobody is going to receive it and of lowering the profile of these manifestations, which indicates the veracity of some of these audios and movements.

This shows that the Army and the military retirees are not quiet, they are not in the barracks drinking quiet mate. They are operating, as they operated since 1985 spying without anyone knowing, the entire popular movement. The Army is an institution that does not admit modifications in its bosom: today they are directed by the same last names that participated in the dictatorship. It is a closed, oligarchic institution with a clear spirit of body and class. Any political movement of the Army or military retirees is worrisome and we must be alert, because once the Army begins to express its opinion then it will continue with other actions and we already know from our recent history how these processes end.

Worse still, when the military is backed by the political system itself, and not only traditional parties do it. Former President José Mujica went out to support Manini Ríos saying that "it was good: soldiers do not have unions and can not demonstrate, so someone has to defend their interests." Mujica omits that neither the Army Commander can manifest himself and if he is allowed to do so, he allows the Army to openly do politics. But it reflects the pro-military policy of the leadership of the MLN, initiated in the talks of the Florida Battalion in 1972, continued with the meetings with the Lodge "Lieutenants of Artigas", fascist military lodge and to which all the current leadership of the Army belongs,

The intonation of the "March of Three Trees" not only shows the adhesion of the military leadership to the National Party and support for Manini Ríos (who belongs to said party), but also a clear manifestation of the movements that occurred in its internal in these days.

It was in Argentina where the businessmen decided directly to take over the government. The cabinet team of Cambiemos brought together (and gathers) the most select of the managers of the multinationals installed in the neighboring shore. Even several surnames of the stale oligarchy of Buenos Aires and several characters that participated in governments prior to the 2001 crisis.
The story seems to repeat itself, but with some slight variations. However, the measures taken by Macri and his retinue are very similar to those taken by Cavallo and others, and there is already talk of a possible future default (cessation of payments). For now, the dollar has climbed to 40 Argentine pesos, benefiting the agro-export sectors - already benefited since the nineteenth century as the social base of the country's economy - the industry is being destroyed, there are countless layoffs and dismissals of workers, cuts in the public budget, etc.

The conflict that the Mapuche people have been demonstrating in claiming their ancestral lands, has had as a response from the State the total militarization of the south of the country and the extradition to Chile of the Lonko Facundo Jones Huala, a reference of the Mapuche resistance, in spite of active campaign in Argentina and abroad to avoid such measure. This fact adds to the murder of Santiago Maldonado and Rafael Nahuel.

Those at the top continue to play hard. On the 12th of this month a teacher was kidnapped in Moreno, south of Buenos Aires. Comrade Corina de Bonis was kidnapped and tortured by a group of clear fascist orientation and hatred of those below: "no pots" tattooed him with a sharp object in his abdomen. Who are those groups? It is clear that they are trying to intimidate to demobilize, but the response must be more mobilization and the greatest demonstrations of solidarity among the Latin American peoples.

The question is: when does Argentina break out? Popular mobilizations are large and growing. Sectoral stoppages multiply and there was recently a great general strike. The neoliberal gale comes with everything but there is a people willing to face it. There undoubtedly, there will be possibilities to travel new paths for those below, building Popular Power and new prospects for the advancement of the oppressed.

In Brazil, however, the elections are next month and there is no certainty as to what will happen. An election called by the coup leaders where even a minimal "openness" is not proposed, but on the contrary, what is at stake is how to deepen the neoliberal model and the adjustment. The Brazilian bourgeoisie does not have total control of the political situation; the instability has won the stage, but the certain thing is that the government that emerges - whatever it is - will govern for the benefit of the industrialists of San Pablo and the ruralistas.

Corruption, a subject that is repeatedly placed by the corrupt themselves, is not the main problem in Brazil or in the region. Corruption is a phenomenon inherent to the capitalist system; It's in your genes. Therefore, there is no government that escapes a greater or lesser corruption scheme. Its magnitude is amazing, but it is not the central issue, but with it the focus of attention is diverted from the real problem, which is the constant plundering of wealth and resources made by the ruling classes and multinationals to our peoples.

The Brazilian people will find through their struggles a path of their own, a path that is not that of the ballot box but that of the people in the street and in the countryside, occupying the spaces of struggle and developing direct popular action.

In Colombia, the popular movement continues to suffer paramilitary violence. They are killed day after day, social activists and others receive threats. This has increased since the conversion of the FARC into an electoral force, leaving large areas of the country free for the paramilitary advance, the narcos and the Colombian Army.

Venezuela suffers another clear attempt of aggression, this time by the Uruguayan Almagro. "As for military intervention to overthrow the regime of Nicolás Maduro, I think we should not rule out any option." Almagro, as Secretary General of the OAS, deepens the historical imperialist policy of this organization and of the fascist court, and the letter of a military coup has been playing a strong role and, if this is not possible, the invasion is plain and simple. It should be remembered that Almagro was the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Mujica government, and he promoted it to that office.

It is almost like wondering how we get rid of the electoral campaign that crushes everything. How do we continue fighting? In the immediate term, there are two important battles: the wage struggle and the signature campaign against the Irrigation Law. It is necessary to reach the necessary signatures to plebiscite this law and repeal it, a task that brings together the trade union movement, the neighborhood, student and social organizations in general in a campaign or common theme and that can be an axis of social agglutination towards other fights, a confluence space below.
On the salary, it will be the task of the unions to unify the struggles, joint measures and other mobilizations that avoid the separate fights, the fragmentation and the weakening of the union organizations in a moment where the bosses are emboldened and come to crush us.

It is time to go together, to come together, to be in the fight and recognize each other as class brothers. And it's time to build the tools for the Resistance.

The times that are coming are hard and hard has to be the fight. To build muscle and practice solidarity, conflicts are not resolved in the corridors of the Government House, they are resolved in the streets.

Strengthen popular organizations, provide them with immediate and medium-term action plans, nourish the militancy debate elements, are the priority tasks of today.


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