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(en) Poland, rozbrat: In the workplace there is a murder from the nineteenth century, conservatory security is not an incident - polemic with "Krytyka Polityczna" Magda Malinowska [machine translation]

Date Wed, 25 Jul 2018 10:43:48 +0300


Magdalena Malinowska Amazon employee working at OZZ Employee Initiative, co-organizer of the Social Women's Congress ---- The publicity of the problems of security workers who were employed by the organizers of the last Congress of Women caused some public interest, including the Krytyka Polityczna community. Recent texts written by Izabela Desperak ( link ) and Michal Sutowski together with Agnieszka Wisniewska ( link ) took into account previous statements published on the Internet, with the exception of the commentary of the initiative group of the Social Women's Congress ( link ). This is important because the comment of the Social Congress of Women has already partly explained the problems raised by two subsequent publications from the Dziennik Dzienii. Surprising, therefore, is a stubborn return to theses that abstract from this explanation.

Publications from Dziennik assume that labor relations prevailing at the Women's Congress are an incident or an isolated incident. I have been a private employee of the "Amazona" sub-zone in Poznan for three years and run trade union activities there. On the basis of my own experience as well as trade union activities, I can say that in Polish enterprises, contempt for working women is commonplace. The Women's Congress merely reproduces the dominant model of industrial relations. The pathological treatment of female workers by their superiors in the present reality is not unique, but rather typical. The situation triggered public interest among others because it contradicts the image of the Congress of Women, which declaratively represents the interests of all women. In practice, however, he avoids the question of class inequalities like the devil of holy water. Contrary to Izabela Desperak's proposals, the problem is therefore not technical and will not be solved, for example, by the introduction of some kind of social clause. His essence is political. It is simply the composition of the shadow office that shapes Congress's policy that is extremely neoliberal. This situation, in turn, ensures that abolishing the gender hierarchy that hits the worst situated women will not be a key topic for Congress.

Congress is an eloquent example of how the rhetoric of the common interest that connects all women strengthens the division of labor, in which most of them work hard for free or for a pittance. We hear the same in companies when they tell us that we are one team. However, when the fruit of our work breaks down, it turns out that most of us are doomed to poverty, and only the minority is successful. Therefore, our criticism has no moral content, as Sutowski claims with Wisniewska, but it is material. We do not fight for jobs in the parliament or in company supervisory boards, to which liberal feminists constantly urge us. We fight for survival to the first, so as not to be evicted on the pavement, we fight against the existence of such social roles as a politician or politician, buissneswomen or bailiff. We are not fighting for the government of souls in the media, galleries, political institutions and other elite clusters that persist from our work. More often you can meet us in workplaces and cleaned tenement houses, that is in places gathering employee environments. The prospect of employees and tenants is an essential point of reference for us and therefore we are associated with the left, although probably for people from the so-called leftist media unrelated to workers' environments, this approach may seem sectarian. The prospect of employees and tenants is an essential point of reference for us and therefore we are associated with the left, although probably for people from the so-called leftist media unrelated to workers' environments, this approach may seem sectarian. The prospect of employees and tenants is an essential point of reference for us and therefore we are associated with the left, although probably for people from the so-called leftist media unrelated to workers' environments, this approach may seem sectarian.

Contrary to the trivialization made by Sutowski and Wisniewska, the current discussion regarding the Congress of Women is not of a generational character (young radical versus old liberal). If you look at the warehouse movement, it is dominated by women over 50, whose demands and actions are often much more progressive than the commitment of young leftist intelligentsia. Lack of knowledge about the nature of a specific social movement (in this case, a tenant who is part of the Social Congress of Women) runs a journalistic tandem with erroneous political conclusions.

The Women's Congress will not move more to the left until the worst women ever won will strengthen their strength in the process of economic struggles. The interpretation that the cases of intensified exploitation of women by other women during the Congress were a stage of "conflict in the family", pushes us away from the vision of the leftist Congress of Women. For decades, we have heard similar rhetoric referring to social solidarity, the effects of which we feel on our own skin every day. Calls for joint struggle against communism, fascism or a limited form of democracy for the elites for almost 30 years serve them to silence class conflicts occurring within production relations. As a result, in the workplace there is currently a murder from the nineteenth century. The problems we focus on concern how to stop fascist tendencies in a situation where the union movement is largely associated with the right wing, and the women's movement with neoliberalism? Why create a left that is rooted out of the current struggles that are currently being waged by female employees and tenants? For the Krytyka postulated by the environment of openness towards the liberal-centered environments, the left pays the cutoff from the working environment, which for years has been preparing the ground for the development of the extreme right. This is not about opening up to the so-called moral issues, but for the openness of accepting liberal economic policy. which are currently occupied by female employees and tenants? For the Krytyka postulated by the environment of openness towards the liberal-centered environments, the left pays the cutoff from the working environment, which for years has been preparing the ground for the development of the extreme right. This is not about opening up to the so-called moral issues, but for the openness of accepting liberal economic policy. which are currently occupied by female employees and tenants? For the Krytyka postulated by the environment of openness towards the liberal-centered environments, the left pays the cutoff from the working environment, which for years has been preparing the ground for the development of the extreme right. This is not about opening up to the so-called moral issues, but for the openness of accepting liberal economic policy.

In the last two years, women in Poland have attracted the attention of the whole world, but not because of the existence of the Congress of Women or politicians sitting in the seats of the Seym. It was the independent actions of women on the black protest that forced the right to abandon the issue of abortion. Thanks to the bottom-up activities of women, among others from the Warsaw Tenant Association, the ruling governor of Warsaw withdrew from reprivatizing her housing stock. These facts contradict the thesis that the further development of the women's movement may take place by opening up to liberalism (as if its influence was now too small) or promoted by its supporters to start women in all kinds of elections.

Liberal parliamentarians have been compromised at the beginning of the year during the vote on abortion. Do women using limousines as a means of transport, living in apartments somewhere between Warsaw and Brussels, possibly coming to coffee in London City, are able to represent the interests of women who work tirelessly and without prospects on assembly lines, in warehouses, on junk contracts, for the lowest national etc.?

During the Social Congress of Women, we established the foundations of our program postulates (link). The so-called. the social issue, contrary to the perspective of Izabela Desperak, does not only concern the problem of poverty and the development of charity. The first of the list of our postulates is to shorten the working week to 35 hours. If the face of Congress, Henryka Bochniarz, convinced the postulate of the Confederation of Lewiatan, with its support until the end of the year, the problem of overworking women would be reduced, even symbolically, by five hours, and the Congress of Women would register with gold letters in the history of Poland. We realize, however, that no one except working people will be willing to force the ruling class to approve this postulate. This state of affairs makes us consider the issue of the organizational form that should be taken by women's environments,

Another issue concerns the situations in which anti-woman actions of the right will have the support of liberal circles. On the one hand, in the struggle for lost power, they refer to social movements, but as far as maintaining economic inequalities are concerned, they go hand in hand with the right hand, often overtaking it. In addition to these issues, there are also those concerning the shape of social security (we are satisfied with 500 plus or maybe we want 1500 plus?), Universal access to municipal housing, access to free health services including the possibility of abortion, payment of commuting time, liquidation of junk contracts , avoiding devastating work, which is currently referred to as "occupational activity". We encounter this type of problems every day.

If we manage to solve them, it is not in the way of a dispute that, as the Critic would like, is taking place in the public sphere. As long as the conditions of our maintenance are not significantly improved, the public sphere will remain an abstract concept reserved for a few women and men. If we think about a dispute, it is rather a collective dispute as an introduction to the strike. Closer to our experience is the concept of circulation of fights, which are undertaken by successive groups of women in workplaces and outside their walls. We do not cheat each other, that the discussion is able to get our bosses or tenants to make concessions. These people, like politicians, do not have the habit of retreating until they lose their image or suffer financial losses. We are building a woman's strength in the course of blocking evictions, rent strikes, jointly slowing down work and lengthening breaks, sabotaging anti-employee activities of plant management, exerting pressure on local government authorities through demonstrations and occupations. During the years of our activity, we have repeatedly convinced ourselves that openness to independent forms of struggle against exploitation is one of the ways of overcoming the limits imposed on us by the supporters and advocates of capitalism.

the text was originally published in the feminist daily

http://www.rozbrat.org/publicystyka/kontrola-spoeczna/4628-w-zakadach-pracy-panuje-zamordyzm-rodem-z-xix-w-ochroniarki-z-kongresu-to-nie-incydent-polemika-z-krytyk-polityczn
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