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(en) France, Alternative Libertaire AL #284 - Politics: The state club ... what counterattack? (fr, it, pt) [machine translation]

Date Sun, 10 Jun 2018 08:09:52 +0300

While the social movement of spring 2018 has not managed to spread, riotous outbreaks struggle to hide the weakness of the real balance of power. It is all the easier for the state to suppress the most contentious homes. How to react ? ---- In 2017, the labor law XXL passed quite easily, as well as the increase of the CSG, embellished with a petty drop in the personalized housing assistance, and the maxi-gift for the big bourgeoisie that is the suppression wealth tax. Things were slightly spoiled for the ruling class when two historically combative sectors, the SNCF and the faculties, returned massively to dance. At the same time, the government tried to expel the Zad of Notre-Dame-des-Landes with a delusional police deployment, and the management of Air France is put in difficulty by an inter-union welded as ever.

Faced with this wave of protest, the counter-attack of the government is based on a mix of repression (state and parastatal) and misinformation.

Police suit and fachos commandos
The first wave of repression hit faculties with, in March and early April, attacks from the far right and assimilated militias, the most emblematic of which took place at the law school of Montpellier on March 22.

The next step was police repression, with a kickoff on April 9 on the Zad of Notre-Dame-des-Landes. Nearly 2,500 mobile gendarmes bombarded a few hundred zadists with an absurd number of grenades.

Then it was the repression of the demonstrations - certainly less than during the Labor law - and the attack of the places of fight and strike. Occupied universities are numerous to have undergone police interventions: Tolbiac, Toulouse, Montpellier, Grenoble, Lyon, Strasbourg, Marseille, Nanterre, the EHESS in Paris, etc. CRS were also sent against the railway workers or postmen on strike.

" Growers " and other " privileged "
This extensive handling of fascist groups and law-enforcement agencies, which often also have fascistic sympathies, [1]is accompanied by a propagandist offensive against the strikers. Everything happens there: the " growers " who would be " privileged ", " corporatist ", who by their egoism ruin the quality of life of " those who want to work or study ", all supported by more surveys or less bogus to justify these antigrespiste clichés.

Another recurring element: the stigmatization of the ultra-left and " black blocks ". The demonization of a part of the social movement presented as ultraviolet, must create a scapegoat. The " casse ", put on show by the rioters to denounce the symbols of capitalism, is also put on the stage by the media, but for a diametrically opposite purpose: to eclipse the violence of capitalist society ; to make the protesters and demonstrators lambda invisible ; appoint a scapegoat who deserves repression.

Replicating this mix of batons and propaganda is necessary, and comes as much from strategic directions as concrete actions on the ground.

First, we must win the battle of opinion: it is extremely important to address all the workers who are not directly concerned by a sector of struggle: to dismantle the lies about " privileges " strikers or manipulations of violence (for example the so-called attack on Necker Hospital by the head procession on June 14, 2016). Secondly, it is necessary to highlight the police violence modestly passed over in the media, and to show it for what it is: the action of brutes paid to smash those who dare raise their voices against a deeply unjust social order . Filming these abuses with a phone and posting his video on social networks is a first deterrent.

Thirdly, it is necessary to avoid a chasm of contempt between, on the one hand, " the citizenry traine-savate " and on the other " the depoliticized breakers ." It is normal for everyone in a movement not to be in trouble and riotous practices: tactics can diverge, as well as appreciation of the relevance of an action. It is also normal and healthy to discuss these tactical differences between revolutionaries. On the one hand, the most radical should think about the consequences that clashes can have on those who do not participate, and invent a " black block that blocks something other than the demo ", as claimed by some after 1 st Parisian May [2].

On the other hand, we must avoid the trap of dissociation, which often responds to a media injunction. That is to say, it is necessary to avoid the convictions that reduce the " breakers " to depoliticized people and out of the movement, taking a citizen posture of " legitimate peaceful protest ", like the insubordinate France or PCF. This can only aggravate the isolation and repression of black K-ways, while those who dissociate publicly disarm in advance by renouncing all radical action.

Defending social movements in their diversity
Fourth, there is what is called active defense, or collective defense. This one proposes to leave by the top of the sempiternelle opposition " black bloc " vs " pacifist citizen " ". Considering that social movements are diverse, the idea is to try to defend them as a whole. This involves securing and creating a space of cohesion within the demonstrations and collective movements that can be directly repressed, with a set of defense practices aimed at minimizing the impact of police repression. This can include structuring processions that are difficult for the police to penetrate (reinforced banners, chains) and limiting the impact of attacks: free distribution of masks, physiological saline and other first aid products, etc.

Creating such spaces that are not intended to be black blocks, but places to feel safe in manifestation, raises another relationship to violence, to protect against state violence. Finally, it is necessary to think this defense in legal terms, to avoid that the repression is individualized, and to give a political and collective character to the fight against the judicial repression.

Matt (AL Montpellier)

[1] More than 50 % of police and military voted FN in 2017 (Le Monde, May 5, 2017), and the DGSI has identified at least fifty activists of the " far right violent " within the security services (Mediapart, April 9, 2018).

[2] " Appeal to the convinced: an anti-authoritarian criticism of the black bloc ", May 4, 2018, Paris- fights.info

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