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(en) France, Alternative Libertaire AL #283 - Far right: Militia and state violence, dangerous liaisons (fr, it, pt) [machine translation]

Date Thu, 24 May 2018 11:38:38 +0300

The attack of the law school of Montpellier has brought to light a little publicized phenomenon, but one that deserves our attention: the return of anti-strike militia. Despite their seemingly " illegal " nature, they easily find their place in the security arsenal of " French-style " policing . ---- On 22 March 2018, around midnight, a hooded commando armed with pieces of wood and Tasers burst into an amphitheater of the Faculty of Law of Montpellier. The images of this violent attack go around social networks and media. They set fire to the powders: the blocked facs multiply in the weeks that follow. ---- Quickly, it appears that the Montpellier case is not isolated. The attacks have multiplied lately. In Strasbourg, students are beaten by the fascists of the Social Bastion. In Lille, Identitaires attack twice the occupied university. In Nantes, a security officer is beaten with baseball bats by hooded individuals, an assault that students attribute to the local extreme right. In Paris, the Tolbiac site of the University Paris-I is the target of an attack by twenty young fascist helmet who throw projectiles and smoke on the occupants. Thus, about fifteen universities blocked in early April, it is almost a third is the target of militia attacks related to the far right.

A complicit police
A flagrant element emerges: the lack of action by the police. In all these cases, there is almost no prosecution or investigation. In Lille, during the second attack of Identitaires, they arrive and leave under police protection, without there being any questioning. The only real exception to this lack of action on the part of the police is Tolbiac: six fascists are arrested and placed in custody (in Montpellier, there is only the spectacle of a court action) .

This impunity is not trivial. In fact, the police and the intelligence services are very well acquainted with right-wing activists, and it would not be very difficult for them to question them if that was their intention. Moreover, this inaction is all the more striking when compared to the repression during the movement against the Labor law in 2016, where police violence was very high and frequent: the trials and arrests of protesters and demonstrators were the norm , with heavy penalties striking the protesters.

How then explain this impunity ? One could naively believe that it is by " laxity " ... Unfortunately, it does not seem that the forces of " order " show " laxity " vis-a-vis the fascist militias, but on the contrary it is possible to think that militias and forces and order maintain a much more troubled relationship.

The good use of fascist militias by the state
A return to the case of Montpellier is needed to better understand. In appearance, the state seems to have reacted vigorously: Dean Philippe Petel (Marshal Petel for the intimate) and fascist professor Jean-Luc Coronel (who had invented the particle " Boissezon " to make more chic), have been placed in custody, suspended and indicted.

Yet when you take a closer look, things are less clear. Petel and Coronel claim to be fuses, and unfortunately, it seems that they have to be justified. Let's go back to the course of events. On March 22, 2018, an amphitheater is occupied by the students who are mobilized from the law school, supported by the students of the Faculty of Arts (Paul Valéry). The president of the University of Montpellier, Philippe Augé, asks the prefect for a police intervention, which refuses but positions a strong police device near the university. At midnight, the hooded commando introduced by the dean bats the strikers. A student ends up stuck under the grid of the University that the thugs beat him down, before tasering and beating it with bits of wood. The police trucks positioned in front of the University had just left. They will only come back after the attack.

Similarly, according to several student testimonies, the commando is then evacuated under the protection of a police line through the front door. This lack of intervention can only mean complicity between the anti-trust commando and the police. It is difficult to explain otherwise that a dozen staff of the Faculty of Law, professors, in charge of TD and attendants, organize such a violent attack if they had no guarantees of non intervention of the police. .

Moreover, these guarantees seem to have been respected at first because the commando is exfiltré under police protection. Petel and Coronel even publicly assume the action. It is only belatedly before the national scandal that measures against them are taken. Similarly, while the names of many of the members of the hooded commando circulate widely and are revealed during a press conference by the students, they are neither auditioned by the police nor implicated. Let us add that Médiapart revealed that a witness was insulted and threatened during his hearing by the police. This example of Montpellier is particularly flagrant of the use of militias by the public authorities during law enforcement operations. So when the state can not or will not intervene by the police,

This is not the first time the state has used militias to replace the police and attack social movements. Thus, in 2014-2015 on the ZAD du Testet near Sivens, after the assassination of Rémi Fraisse, the gendarmes subcontracted the repression to the pro-dams constituted in militia. Among their outstanding exploits, the headquarters of ZAD access for two weeks, enamelled violence, all under the watchful eye of mobile gendarmes [1].

Mutation of French policing
Thus, university attacks by far-right groups are not only a sign that these groups are agitated. They are also the marker of a new change in French law enforcement. After the repression of the law Labor, marked by extreme police brutality, it seems that the police force change their tune and on the contrary intervene for the moment, less often and less brutally (which This does not mean that they have become bishops, as shown by the attack on the ZAD of Notre-Dame-des-Landes in April 2018 or the interventions on various university campuses).

In this context, this use of the extreme right and militias in some cases allows the " dirty work " without the police having to intervene. In addition, this strategy goes further. It also makes it possible to stage a " strategy of tension ": the attacks of militias, the confrontations between extreme right and antifascists can create a state of disorder and tension which allow only better to justify authoritarian measures and the repression of State thereafter.

In any case, one thing is certain, and it must be known, participating in social movements, struggles and strikes has become something that can be dangerous. There is no point in asking for police protection against attacks that are an integral part of the French state's policing strategy. We must therefore think about our self-defense, because no one else will do it for us ...

Matt (AL Montpellier)

[1] To get an idea of the violence on the ZAD Testet: " Assembly violence of the FNSEA militias on Zadistes ", online on Youtube.com

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