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(en) France, Alternative Libertaire AL #283 - Far right: Militia and state violence, dangerous liaisons (fr, it, pt) [machine translation]
Thu, 24 May 2018 11:38:38 +0300
The attack of the law school of Montpellier has brought to light a little publicized
phenomenon, but one that deserves our attention: the return of anti-strike militia.
Despite their seemingly " illegal " nature, they easily find their place in the security
arsenal of " French-style " policing . ---- On 22 March 2018, around midnight, a hooded
commando armed with pieces of wood and Tasers burst into an amphitheater of the Faculty of
Law of Montpellier. The images of this violent attack go around social networks and media.
They set fire to the powders: the blocked facs multiply in the weeks that follow. ----
Quickly, it appears that the Montpellier case is not isolated. The attacks have multiplied
lately. In Strasbourg, students are beaten by the fascists of the Social Bastion. In
Lille, Identitaires attack twice the occupied university. In Nantes, a security officer is
beaten with baseball bats by hooded individuals, an assault that students attribute to the
local extreme right. In Paris, the Tolbiac site of the University Paris-I is the target of
an attack by twenty young fascist helmet who throw projectiles and smoke on the occupants.
Thus, about fifteen universities blocked in early April, it is almost a third is the
target of militia attacks related to the far right.
A complicit police
A flagrant element emerges: the lack of action by the police. In all these cases, there is
almost no prosecution or investigation. In Lille, during the second attack of
Identitaires, they arrive and leave under police protection, without there being any
questioning. The only real exception to this lack of action on the part of the police is
Tolbiac: six fascists are arrested and placed in custody (in Montpellier, there is only
the spectacle of a court action) .
This impunity is not trivial. In fact, the police and the intelligence services are very
well acquainted with right-wing activists, and it would not be very difficult for them to
question them if that was their intention. Moreover, this inaction is all the more
striking when compared to the repression during the movement against the Labor law in
2016, where police violence was very high and frequent: the trials and arrests of
protesters and demonstrators were the norm , with heavy penalties striking the protesters.
How then explain this impunity ? One could naively believe that it is by " laxity " ...
Unfortunately, it does not seem that the forces of " order " show " laxity " vis-a-vis the
fascist militias, but on the contrary it is possible to think that militias and forces and
order maintain a much more troubled relationship.
The good use of fascist militias by the state
A return to the case of Montpellier is needed to better understand. In appearance, the
state seems to have reacted vigorously: Dean Philippe Petel (Marshal Petel for the
intimate) and fascist professor Jean-Luc Coronel (who had invented the particle "
Boissezon " to make more chic), have been placed in custody, suspended and indicted.
Yet when you take a closer look, things are less clear. Petel and Coronel claim to be
fuses, and unfortunately, it seems that they have to be justified. Let's go back to the
course of events. On March 22, 2018, an amphitheater is occupied by the students who are
mobilized from the law school, supported by the students of the Faculty of Arts (Paul
Valéry). The president of the University of Montpellier, Philippe Augé, asks the prefect
for a police intervention, which refuses but positions a strong police device near the
university. At midnight, the hooded commando introduced by the dean bats the strikers. A
student ends up stuck under the grid of the University that the thugs beat him down,
before tasering and beating it with bits of wood. The police trucks positioned in front of
the University had just left. They will only come back after the attack.
Similarly, according to several student testimonies, the commando is then evacuated under
the protection of a police line through the front door. This lack of intervention can only
mean complicity between the anti-trust commando and the police. It is difficult to explain
otherwise that a dozen staff of the Faculty of Law, professors, in charge of TD and
attendants, organize such a violent attack if they had no guarantees of non intervention
of the police. .
Moreover, these guarantees seem to have been respected at first because the commando is
exfiltré under police protection. Petel and Coronel even publicly assume the action. It is
only belatedly before the national scandal that measures against them are taken.
Similarly, while the names of many of the members of the hooded commando circulate widely
and are revealed during a press conference by the students, they are neither auditioned by
the police nor implicated. Let us add that Médiapart revealed that a witness was insulted
and threatened during his hearing by the police. This example of Montpellier is
particularly flagrant of the use of militias by the public authorities during law
enforcement operations. So when the state can not or will not intervene by the police,
This is not the first time the state has used militias to replace the police and attack
social movements. Thus, in 2014-2015 on the ZAD du Testet near Sivens, after the
assassination of Rémi Fraisse, the gendarmes subcontracted the repression to the pro-dams
constituted in militia. Among their outstanding exploits, the headquarters of ZAD access
for two weeks, enamelled violence, all under the watchful eye of mobile gendarmes .
Mutation of French policing
Thus, university attacks by far-right groups are not only a sign that these groups are
agitated. They are also the marker of a new change in French law enforcement. After the
repression of the law Labor, marked by extreme police brutality, it seems that the police
force change their tune and on the contrary intervene for the moment, less often and less
brutally (which This does not mean that they have become bishops, as shown by the attack
on the ZAD of Notre-Dame-des-Landes in April 2018 or the interventions on various
In this context, this use of the extreme right and militias in some cases allows the "
dirty work " without the police having to intervene. In addition, this strategy goes
further. It also makes it possible to stage a " strategy of tension ": the attacks of
militias, the confrontations between extreme right and antifascists can create a state of
disorder and tension which allow only better to justify authoritarian measures and the
repression of State thereafter.
In any case, one thing is certain, and it must be known, participating in social
movements, struggles and strikes has become something that can be dangerous. There is no
point in asking for police protection against attacks that are an integral part of the
French state's policing strategy. We must therefore think about our self-defense, because
no one else will do it for us ...
Matt (AL Montpellier)
 To get an idea of the violence on the ZAD Testet: " Assembly violence of the FNSEA
militias on Zadistes ", online on Youtube.com
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