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(en) Spain, Barcelona: Solidaridad Obrera #370 The use of anarchism - Antonio Galeote By ANA (pt) [machine translation]

Date Thu, 24 May 2018 11:17:39 +0300


" Big corporations have started the class struggle; they are authentic Marxists, but with values inverted. The principles of the free market are great for applying to the poor, but the very rich of them protect themselves . " - Noam Chomsky ---- Globalization, that is, the taking of control in capitalism by the more speculative, as opposed to business and industrial sectors, obviously has important ideological consequences. One that is being widely diffused is that the thesis that all the more or less extensive intellectual ideologies and conceptions of social dynamics are out of date. They no longer exist. In this way, we would have reached the apotheosis of the single thought. The dominant doctrinal body indicates that only economicist ideology and the logic of economic growth exist. These criteria became, therefore, the new axes of the society, its evolution and eventual conflicts. What is outside the economic-financial balance does not exist, it is pure marginalization, populism, ideological garbage.

Of course, the offensive of financial and speculative capitalism almost destroyed the previous capitalist model, based on business production. On the ground, that is, in companies, in cities, in the streets and in neighborhoods, the victory of globalization also implied the almost total disappearance of structures, organizations and groups that until then were considered as leftist. In this sense, the defeat has been enormous, with a very significant decline of the scarce labor rights that had been extracted from the entrepreneurs, and the conversion of the unions into bureaucratic machines serving the needs of the system. The unions, through their complicity with power, completed the process of destroying the few labor rights that kept the workers alive.

This new social order, this new situation that has arisen now but has been preparing for some time, has almost completely and definitively plucked some ideological and political systems that have hitherto had an important social meaning, such as social democracy or capitalism. state, called communism by its officials and leaders. It is therefore quite true that the new scheme, based on financial speculation as the basic method of capital accumulation, won the political, social, economic, and ideological struggle.

The self-named left

How was this situation achieved? One of the reasons has been the end of what until now had been called the left. That is, social democracy and state capitalism, the latter called communism. At this point, it is necessary to remember that libertarian and anti-authoritarian movements had already foreseen this situation. Libertarians said that Socialists, Social Democracy, were mere managers of capitalism, who were involved, among other things, in trying to make exploration of the vast majority of citizens in charge of a powerful minority more palatable. When the most difficult moment of the crisis came, that is, when the onslaught of financial capitalism from the industrial one intensified, Social-Democracy diluted like sugar in the water, because its capital no longer needed. The libertarians, therefore, analyzed the situation correctly.

State capitalism was also considered by the libertarian movement as a variant of capitalism purely. In these systems, such as the former Soviet Union or China, private owners are replaced by civil servants, who form the exploratory minority. It is this minority that drives the process of capital accumulation, appropriates the benefits and maintains the system through repression. The structure of this ruling class can be explained by the application of its own language: the proletariat is replaced by the party; the party, by the central committee; the central committee, by the political bureau; the political bureau, the permanent commission and the permanent commission by the secretary general. Once again, the libertarians had already said this.

Social democracy was diluted in a savage and more aggressive capitalist system, and state capitalism, after the political implosion that symbolized the fall of the Berlin Wall, became a private capitalism, though with tycoons closely linked to the state . It is a more authoritarian capitalism than the so-called democratic. Basically, Russia and the US or Great Britain are the same, although there are some differences of political hue. The Chinese system maintains the unique party, although the economic and financial groups controlled by the great oligarchs are the ones who make the important decisions. There was a kind of convergence between classical capitalism - embodied by its more financial and speculative version - the ligth capitalism of social democracy and the former capitalism of territories such as Russia or China.

There are other countries that formerly were in the so-called Third World group (Cuba, Venezuela, and other Latin American countries, Algeria, Vietnam, etc.) that, after a period of political but not economic decolonization, went through similar somehow to state capitalism, degenerating in some way in situations like those of Russia or China. They are masks with more or less facades of parliamentary democracies, but controlled by minorities who exploit their populations with the complicity of large multinationals, in the context of a pseudo-totalitarian political and institutional scheme marked by tremendous corruption.

The antiglobalization reaction

It is obvious that these transformations of the capitalist system have produced internal reactions because they have hit some social sectors with force. The main victim of this evolution was not only the bottom layer of the social pyramid, that is, the poorest, the marginalized, those who have almost nothing. This time, the coup was also directed against large sectors of the middle classes, which the speculative and financial offensive put into an accelerated process of proletarianization. This situation has caused a reactivation of identity phenomena and ultranationalist, with strong xenophobic, racist and supremacist content. Illustrative examples are the emergence of leprosy in France, the supporters of Brexit in Britain, the League in Italy, the far right in Germany, Donald Trump in the USA, or the case of Catalonia.

The reaction against the social wreck of the middle classes has caused Catalonia to return to identity, to almost medieval myths, with a strong xenophobic component promoted from Catalan supremacy, which was mixed with a surprising resurgence of agricultural and ultraconservative Carlism. In this deeply reactionary group, backed by a grotesque pathetic and grotesque rural and protean ultranationalism of the nineteenth century, were joined by influential groups of careerist elements who have spent forty years sharing public money in a mire of corruption hidden by nationalist flags. In this consisted the sovereignist process, which is already in clear retreat after being humiliated by Spanish nationalism. Here again we must remember the constant denunciation and critique of libertarians in relation to nationalist phenomena, based on irrationality. Nationalism is not only a reactionary phenomenon, but is another manifestation of the various ideological forms that capitalist domination assumes.

In fact, in spite of all these evolutions, the essence of the system has not changed, except in some political aspects, that is, in its appearance. Minorities with control over the repressive apparatus accumulate capital and divide profits by exploiting the vast majority of their populations. The repressive and coercive apparatus includes, as has always been the case, the law, the media, the parties, the so-called democratic ideologies, the parliaments, the votes ... The whole is different, but the reality is the same. The essence of the system has not changed, although now everything is clearer, because social democracy and so-called communism are where they have always been: with capital.

The state is the basis of the system

However, it is necessary to emphasize that there is an element that appears in all these versions of the capitalist system: the state. It is the instrument common to all forms of political, economic and social oppression. In fact, it is the axis on which the whole system is mounted. This analysis of the concept and reality of states has always been in the radical critique of the libertarian movement toward any state structure. This rejection is not only for the state itself, but for any means of collaboration with its organizational elements. To participate is to strengthen the state, give it legitimacy and therefore benefit and legitimize the system. This is the basis of the libertarian rejection of partisan schemes, elections and parliaments. It is naive, childish and immature to think that the state can be destroyed from within. It's the opposite. It is the state that integrates and uses for its benefit those who want to destroy it using their own channels, the state channels. And the current situation shows that this libertarian critique of the structure of the state is more relevant than ever.

Capital itself has generated pseudo-ideologies that can serve as a substitute when it can no longer maintain the political alibi given by the current political parties. This is what has been called the new policy. In France, the example is Macron, an ultraliberal who replaced the old guard of the system. In the case of Spain and Catalonia, alternatives such as Podemos, Ciudadanos or the Ada Colau group are proposed. It's a fake. They are no more than the old political forms of capitalism, a relief adapted to new trends of opinion and starring ambitious and opportunist politicians who seek the power and distribution of public money among their friends. Just look at what is happening in the city of Barcelona,

What remains, then, to oppose the capitalist avalanche? When social democracy and state capitalism have already integrated perfectly into the speculative offensive against the popular sectors, it is clear that a critical analysis is essential and without intellectual traps of what is happening. If we disregard the ideological crutches and doctrinal mortgages of the Social-Democrats, Marxists, and Nationalists, the only critical analysis can be based on those based on rational, real concepts, not preconceived ideas. Of those who assume that reality can only be interpreted and understood by completely breaking the old schemes that put the conclusions before the data, instead of the objective facts.

Tool for resistance

The libertarian approach appears as the only appropriate tool. Because it starts from a radical denial of state structures, and because it rejects any method of collective resistance that falls into the error of using the mechanisms of the system. The system bases its ideological justification on an apparent democracy, based on the votes of partisan representatives to form parliaments that in reality are only instruments of large multinational corporations and banks. Therefore, it is necessary to reject with force the claim that one can resist the aggression of the system using its mechanisms and methods. It does not make sense to participate in elections, parties or parliaments, because this attitude only serves to reinforce and give credibility to those who manage the system.

It is about acting from the outside, always aware that the ends do not justify the means. The use of authoritarian methods will produce authoritarian and dictatorial behaviors and situations. The principles of assembly and self-management are the essential way of creating organizational forms and methods of action that allow the construction of a real resistance. In these moments, before the savage offensive of the most aggressive capitalism that has already been known, it is not a matter of dreaming about the social havens of the future. The problem, the big question, is to organize resistance. Because if there is no resistance, there will be no future.

It is clear that an objective and rational approach to resistance against the ultraliberal and speculative offensive is not to use the tools of the system, to act through assemblage and self-managed methods, and not to fall into authoritarian positions. Rationality and justice can never be separated from freedom. As can be seen, these are libertarian principles of action. But we must go with the truth ahead and dispense promises, paradises and projects of supposedly perfect societies. For now, it's about resisting. Or at least try. In any case, more recent history has demonstrated and continues to demonstrate something that the libertarian movement has always maintained: if the channels and methods of the system are used, it becomes part of the system.

Source: Solidaridad Obrera # 370, Barcelona, April, 2018.

Translation> Liberto
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