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(en) [Greece] Let's talk about modern fascism, part VI By ANA (pt) [machine translation]

Date Wed, 14 Feb 2018 11:34:57 +0200

The following is the sixth part of a series of thematic articles on the diachrony of fascism in the territory of the Greek State. The original article entitled "Let's Talk About Modern Fascism" and subtitled "Updating our analysis and organizing the war against its roots and not just against the declared fascists," was published on the site of the anarchist collective Volos Manifesto. All parts can be read here. ---- Leftist nationalism "patriotism" at the time of the memos ---- "Let's go back to 2012, during the celebration of an event on the "peak of fascism", many of those who participated in the event were surprised by this phenomenon. In this case, it was commented, among other things, that the Left can not leave the nation in the hands of the fascists and the extreme right, and that the nation is another point of struggle, in which leftists must intervene and impart a different meaning or popular. The above reflects a political conception that prevails in some parts of the Left, fully incorporated into the state in many ways for many decades. It is a patriotic and nationalistic conception, one of whose origins is its historical connections with bourgeois institutions. Otherwise could the nation be conceived, if not as something that should be claimed by fascists and right-wing extremists? "

" Class Hatred, " provo.gr , February 9, 2015 , " Leftist Patriotism: Tragedy or Farce?"

The state of emergency established with the signing of the first memorandum in 2010 foi aprofundado ao nível da legalização social com o uso político da dívida externa como ferramenta. O partido Syriza usando uma retórica de esquerda quando era oposição, questionou originalmente o caráter objetivo da dívida externa do Estado como uma dívida "nacional", ou seja, como uma dívida de toda a sociedade grega. Apesar de ter usado algumas ferramentas metodológicas de análise de classe, nunca entrou no processo de confronto total com o bloco de poder burguês da época (Pasok, Nova Democracia, Laos), mas com uma habilidade semelhante de tipo sindical, baixou ao nível de uma narrativa do tipo "libertação nacional", através de um "pluralismo interno" planejado no nível comunicativo, com o objetivo de expandir seu público eleitoral o mais rápido possível. A bipolaridade política que se estreou com a transição estava caindo aos pedaços e a "oportunidade" (para tomar o Poder) foi prenunciada pelos membros do novo partido poderoso e ascendente da socialdemocracia moderna, que foi apoiado no nível comunicativo a fim de substituir no teatro parlamentar ao partido Pasok que naquela época estava se desintegrando.

The leftist nationalism - "patriotism" of the era of the memorandums, as conceived and capitalized at the political level mainly by the coalition between the leftist Syriza party and the nationalist party Gregos Independentes (Anel), formed a new "national" narrative in favor of consensus with respect to their "national" objectives. If a new "national" narrative was built, which aspired to play the role of a new but undeclared "national and social contract", that is, a contract that has structural characteristics in common with the "national and social contract" of the Pasok of a few decades. The predominant "national" narrative, however, includes (although this is not clearly stated) the acceptance of the financial functions of the "nation" -Greek State to the European control of the "partners" seeking expulsion from the International Monetary Fund "malicious and nurtured United States." This subjection to the economic control of the "European partners", objectified at the communicative level, that under certain conditions of economic concessions (privatizations of state structures of public transportation, energy and natural resources, radical underestimation of work, cuts in pensions and social expenses , etc.), following continuous "honest negotiations" with "international creditors" (who are also our "partners" in the ongoing construction of European interstate training), will lead to future "national" and economic development and independence, the cancellation of a large part of the State's external debt, the signing of memoranda and the presentation of the Greek State to international financial "protection".

According to this predominant "national" narrative, which is being propagated by all political parties, those of the governmental and opposition coalitions, right-wingers, center-right leftists and right-wing extremists, as well as all means of mass disinformation, there is a determinism that has existed for years. The intrinsic secondary disagreements with this prevailing "national" narrative is when this process of economic and "national" independence will be completed and the end of the "nation" submission to the state of control and "protection" and that is the rhythm with which the "Reforms" will be carried out so that this can be achieved.

The narrative is supplemented with a good dose of palliative and patriotic doping on the "nation" of the Greeks who do not bow their heads, but who are proud and will work hard (and, if necessary, without charge ...) and then the Greek debug this "national" shame caused by the disproportionate waste of the past... The nondescript narrative of "we all spent the money" of former Minister Págalos, removed the noxious tunic of shocking bluster, and put on the white silk shirt (without a tie) of "We can all together." In this rich and poor narrative, unemployed and entrepreneurs, bosses and workers struggle together for the sake of the "nation" and for a new Greece, that of "competitiveness."

If this narrative resembles the National Socialist between the wars in Germany, this similarity is associated with the fact that here the "internal enemy" is not clearly defined (with a concrete description of a political, religious, cultural, politics, etc.), or with words (terms) that put someone in the limelight, but let themselves be furtively defined "by elimination." It is a "national" suffering felt by the unemployed Greeks who emigrated to other countries, who hundreds of thousands of people left the "motherland" to enter countries, especially in central Europe, to survive. The thousands of "fundamentalist" immigrants who are stacked in detention centers, seeking survival for the same reasons as Greek emigrants and who risk their lives in the Aegean, feel the "cultivated" fear and face the deportations that the Greek state has reserved for them. Borders open to the invaders, metal fences high for the sufferers of this world. Freedom and discreet attitude toward fascist killers, hysteria and endless "terrorist" narratives for social fighters and political prisoners, accused without evidence against them and arrested with 18 months of repeated detention.

Dozens of non-governmental organizations are managing state money and European grants, forming a "pillow" of political accountability for the inhuman grouping and deportations of immigrants and refugees, and unhappy living conditions in places that can not be called " centers of hospitality ". The notorious military parades of "national pride" were not abolished. Imia's crisis has been removed from the drawer of history and removed the dust from above with a blatant communist trick by Defense Minister Kammenos, and the danger of the East justifies the new exorbitant military expenditures for the purchase of military weapons under conditions of supposed economic austerity and supposed cuts in expenses ...

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Translation> Liberto
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