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(en) FOR THE EFFECTIVENESS OF POWER SUPPLY IN THE AREA OF THE POLITICAL by Anarchist Collectivity "Circle of Fire" [APO] (gr) [machine translation]

Date Tue, 2 Jan 2018 08:56:10 +0200


On November 14th, a group of people locked the doors of the Polytechnic University forbidding entry into hundreds of people and imposing controls even on primary school children who visited the same morning. It decided and ordered the prohibition of "party and political organizations" in the Polytechnic and the presence of anarchist-anti-authoritarian societies in the way they choose, as they themselves admit in their text. (" The general attitude of saying that comrades and comrades with their political organizations / collectives would not come in, which was not our main point and was not in the communication, meant practically not to put a table and not to have occupied political body ", from the text after the evaporation of" occupation "
As anarchists, we are struggling for the social and classical emancipation that goes through the broad outreach to the social and class oppressed. We promote the organization of the downstream social, class, and political organizations of the base so that our society and our class are not the state and capital, so that they are not the struggling and the suffocating social base of the hopes of aspiring "saviors and redeemers ". Based on this reasoning, we find ourselves in the struggles - and each year as a college in the Polytechnic - and these ideas are promoted in the way we choose without giving anyone the right to impose our will, whether it be a party or a snippet .it meant the redemption of the insurgency, hierarchy, and "hurrying" rebellion ) that we riding on our imaginary horses will release us.

In the past, we have often encountered aspiring Polytechnic rulers and the rebels of the rebellion, sometimes even larger and smaller, who, whenever they attempted to enforce, exploited as a value the use of the 1973 Uprising, while practically pursuing the exclusion of all and the consolidation of their own sovereignty. And we have given along with many other battles against repression and party armies to keep the Polytechnic an open space for thousands, who each year and with different starting points visit it to remember and honor, to inspire and draw from the contents of the '73 Revolution.

Besides, the message of that rebellion is not a historical fossil, but it continued to inspire the struggles in the years of the post-conflict, symbolizing the refusal of peace, assimilation and capitulation. The Polytechnic became a space of meeting social, class and political subjects over time, a field of collectivization of resistance through assemblies, occupations, conflicts with the forces of repression. Facts that sometimes sparked, and sometimes participated in these anarchists, such as the seizure of the 1990s against the acquittal of the cop, Melista, for the assassination of M. Kalteza, the 1991-92 school disorder, the occupation of '94 after the invasion of the police in all the occupations of Athens and the arrests of anarchists in the Patission tables, the 1995 rebellion that began as an act of solidarity with the political prisoners and insurgents of the Korydallos prison until December 2008 and a number of other smaller moments of resistance marked the course of social and class struggles and became a reference point for the radicalization of consciences. They have not only succeeded in sabotaging the rhetoric of power that the Polytechnic symbolized bourgeois democracy and the tomb of the insurrection, but they created breaches in the enforcement of social consensus, addressed and mobilized wider social forces. The blatant counterfeiting and appropriation of these struggles and rebellions, which are a collective field, to justify the rule of authority over struggling people and the service of micropolitical feasibility is a blatant blasphemy. Micro-political feasibility manifested through the ban on access to the Polytechnic to anyone who did not accept the terms that set an occasional scam. With declarations, which, among other things, were to reproduce a regime-inspired "anti-political", which is the camouflage for the absolute domination of the disguised political tactics, the otherwise supposedly "anti-political". The distortion and the looseness of the anarchist liberation project in the case of a temporary group that decides and orders, the transformation of the revolt into caricature, threats and bruises to anyone who did not fit visually into the pause, the ban on entering the Polytechnic in fighters who have given the their blood inside it, unfortunately, is not a thunderbolt in the sky. it is considered by some almost self-evident the application of the basic authority "authority": the power of the treaty strong towards those who, at times, find it weak.

Not only is this enforcement not self-evident, but on the contrary it is not in any way connected with us, and from our position in the anarchist struggle we have been fighting it and we will always fight it. This imposition is the material expression of a deeply antisocial, elitist and anti-genius perception, which, regardless of the phraseology it uses, faces them from the bottom in the way that the ruling elites define. As "inferior" and "insignificant", as values of use and followers of the plans of the chiefs and chiefs. The movement is treated with the same hostility, for it is the only real obstacle to the empowerment of the micro-rulers who, instead of the collective self-organization, want to impose the "organization" of the feuds and gangs. The movement is open to the storm of ideas and tendencies and not to submissive delusional plans. It is open to the thousands who suffer under state and capitalist tyranny, and not to power, in order to impose its so-called "acquire " . "Acquired" in the present came to the unthinkable point of taking responsibility for the exclusion of anarchist collectivities from the Polytechnic (" For this reason, the anarchists ' right to be considered as an acquis communautaire that in the open occupations and actions one does not make the material of the organization's policy or collectivity ");

The Polytechnic was and remains an area of the movement and not a whim of those who define as leaders of anything, who will make an event, what characteristics it will have, whether it will have a political presence and how it will be. Its character is the result of the mobilization and the presence of too many, which some unlikely elitists of misfortune discredit as "sheep". Our presence there has been won, thanks to the contribution and struggle of thousands, which no one has the right to eliminate or impose on face control, as a prerequisite for their presence there accepting any "conditions" that they have decided 15 among themselves. (" In practice it meant that anyone who wanted could be enough to respond to two political terms"The fact that the repressive army of the MATs will very hardly invade this area, that it is possible to hold assemblies and events there, that it is a refuge and a base for fighters is largely due to this massive racing stock, and certainly not in 10 rails or in the "contribution" of those who are imagined to use it to exclude those who are not like their faces.

As a collectivity, we have remained in the field outside the Polytechnic, where for years we have been promoting disinformation material during the three-day period. The supposed "occupation", as expected, not only did not live the Polytechnic, but it was during its duration that the life and massiveness of the space remained after decades of crap by party mechanisms. The clipping replaced the multiple-party cowboy line - which was forced through races not to exclude those who did not drive - with the line of a single crap that excludes those who did not.

In this treaty on Thursday, November 16, after a call for the "Classical Anti-Attack - anarchist-communist group", a concentration took place at the Exarchia Square, which moved to the Polytechnic and hundreds entered it from the gate of Stournari Street . The alleged "occupation" simply disappeared, under the weight of its inability to assemble anything beyond exclusion. As soon as this blockade ceased to exist, the "occupation" ceased to exist, which evaporated when the self-evident occurred, when many comrades and comrades were found in their "natural" space, simply indifferent to the fetaquas of the "lock-cheer". This self-evident ability of comrades and comrades to be in the Polytechnic has been questioned and "restricted". Without illusions about the overall state of the movement (and its time-lagging substitution of its functions from the "space"), we can not but see the presence of anarchists and fighters as a sine qua non in the Polytechnic. It is not surprising, of course, the selective "vision" of the one who, in the hundreds, "stood out" and made "recognizations" trying to connect the unconnected ones, nor do we consider that the call for food and cigarettes also lacked the corresponding eyewear for political myopia.

Ultimately, the so-called "antipolitics" consists in the political tactic of a particular person who, through the failure of his attempt to create a monopoly business and ownership of a space of struggle, aims and slander by continuing his desperate attempt to "focus" on in every way, and above all through the constant challenge and the creation of confrontational conditions, in a futile quest of a certain being. Exclusion, imposing conditions, threats, "recognitions" are the manifestations of this effort to create situations that are dangerous to the struggle, and in particular to provoke a conflict and the attack on the people of the movement, which has been suggested and sought for a long time. (from the same text:In addition, there were comrades who did not want the natural conflict in the movement " ... that is, there were others who wanted it, something that had become clear in a meeting of the day before). The ultimate objective of "occupation", therefore, was simply to place an enemy dilemma on the movement itself. Or should he or she have to accept the imposition or should take action in view of the expectation that the situation will worsen . It is the quality of companions and companionships and their refusal to join the "strong" logic that canceled both the acceptance of enforcement and the expectation of rising.

And, obviously, the expectations of "rising up" and the failure of the anarchist struggle can easily be recognized by state mechanisms, who can use to their advantage a treaty created by those who speculate on the fetishism of violence, anti-social behavior , the laxity of anarchist vision and practice. To exploit it in the direction of the suppression of the anarchist movement - through the reproduction of the mesic caricature of "alibiously violent and antisocial" - and its isolation from the social and classical basis. They are therefore themselves solely responsible for the permanent undermining of the struggle and its exploitation.

For our part, it goes without saying that even the hidden and hidden threats and challenges touch us, nor will we ask for the permission of any bigman for our presence in the Polytechnic and in any place of the social and class struggle, and we will continue to be facing in the efforts of anyone to ridicule and scoff at Anarchy and Rebellion.

Anarchist Collectivity "Circle of Fire" - a member of the Anarchist Political Organization

http://apo.squathost.com/
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