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(en) Continuism or rupture. About the 21D elections By Embat - Announcements and texts, Debate on sovereignty (ca) [machine translation]

Date Fri, 29 Dec 2017 09:27:25 +0200

Reading by Embat, Libertarian Organization of Catalonia , of the elections to the Parliament of Catalonia on December 21. ---- 1.- Despite the voices that attempted to put an end to the so-called Sovereignty Process, its numerical strength, its cumulative level and its weight in society, as well as its capacity for confrontation, have been steadily increasing. The mobilization of the crowds sustained and increasing for a few weeks was able to impose the realization of an illegal referendum on October 1 (unpublished in Western societies), a massive general strike on October 3 and a rehearsal of territorial control with the strike of the cuts of the routes of transport of the day 8 of November. There is no other European society that currently has grassroots committees and groups of citizens self-organized in favor of the Republic and against the government of their State in all the neighborhoods of the cities to the last corner of Catalonia. Popular pressure imposed the unilateral proclamation of the Republic.

2.- Against this the State responded with the application of article 155: the pure and simple repression, with political prisoners and with the call of the 21D elections. The State understood them plebiscitively and called for the mobilization of their supporters while attempting to disrupt the pro-independence forces through repression, judicialization of politics, the intervention of institutions and messages of discouragement through the media. In short, independentism was in the elections in defensive positions. Another handicap for independence, a priori, was the visible division between the two parties that led the sovereignty block.

However, independentism has managed to add votes .

3.- Due to the plebiscite character of these elections, the unionism in Catalonia has been unified in the candidacy of Citizens(although with some resistance from the PSC). Unionism closes rows in a "No to independence" seeking referents of unity between Spaniards or based on Hispanic identity. It should be noted that the vote for Citizens is also a rejection of the Popular Party and is perceived by its voters not as an ultra-right vote but as a vote for a liberal, centrist, modern, anti-caste party ... that differs from the ways of doing of the PP On the other hand Citizens professed a tough stance against independentism and sometimes exceeded the PP itself on the right. This without ignoring a possible useful vote on the list that is presumed winner. In any case, if the State continues to apply repression without measure (as it seems to be willing to do it with the new charges) it can erode this victory.

Citizens base their electoral strength on a part of Catalan society essentially Spanish-speaking, linked to their family and cultural origins in other regions of Spain and - which is important to emphasize - consumer of the Spanish media that these weeks They have bombarded the orange party.

This sector of the population has a common problem in all the metropolitan European belts, threatened by right-wing populism. The most deprived neighborhoods fall into the ideological or sociocultural orbit of the most reactionary sector of our society and not the middle class working and professional (and much less in the revolutionary left). It is not the same to be born and grow in families and neighborhoods that value culture, who are interested in associations or popular culture, who are interested in politics, which is linguistically diverse, to be born and grow both in those families who They only seek to survive, as in those who have already passed through this stage and now enjoy a wage position with a certain purchasing power or who try to get into the social elevator of "entrepreneurship"

It is necessary to understand that this part of the population has - in general - an idea not only of the national question, but also on social issues, on civil rights, on feminism, etc. that place it in the antipodes of the popular movement when its social base should be part.

4.- From the position of the popular movement of Catalonia, it is very necessary to put the focus of the political conflict between Catalonia and Spain in social policies. This does not mean renouncing the national question, if not working in parallel. It is vital a simultaneous construction to solve the material problems from the burial in Spain and from the republican logic to look for a better country for its people. The revolutionary militancy must be involved in unions, neighborhood associations, housing collectives, revitalize tides, etc. to be in contact with the population most hit by the crisis. There have to be some demands that clash with the status quo from the social one, perhaps starting with the social measures repealed by the TC or defending the attack against the Catalan public school.

We believe that independentism must abandon the victimistic tone and stop creating an identity on the basis of moral superiority as they are attitudes that alienate less-favored classes. Excluding Catalanism leaves wide sectors of the people outside the ideological framework of independence, leaving a land paid for unionism.

In short, we must strengthen and consolidate all those incipient Poble Fort structures that are worthy of it and prepare them to expand our social base by going to the popular classes with a clear message: the break up and the creation of a new society is vital to have a better life.

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