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(en) ias romania - RADICAL QUEER COMMUNITY AND CLASS STRUGGLE: A LINK TO BE CREATED - BY GAYGE OPERISTA [machine translation]

Date Sat, 23 Dec 2017 10:13:20 +0200


While the number of queer individuals identifying themselves with anarchism, anti-authoritarianism, and / or anti-capitalism seems to be increasing, there is, however, a profound lack of understanding of class struggle within queer radical circles and a lack of class analysis that hurts both queer queries as well as anticapitalism as a whole. Let us admit, the task is not to make the queer anarchy, this term (anarchism) becoming an indicator for every existing, shocking and counter-cultural activist project to such an extent that it has now come to have equally uncommonly understood among radicals, such as the queer term. The task is to turn queer radical people into class struggling militants. We have to make a conscious move towards a holistic queer practice, a practice that examines the living conditions of all queer people, and which also places those lives in the wider context of the struggles of all workers / workers and oppressed people. This is not just a position in terms of solidarity and a refusal to leave other queer people behind, but also the awareness that the release of queer persons is inextricably linked to the self-emancipation of the working class.

Queer people, like other oppressed groups, are particularly affected by capitalism, and this applies especially among queer people who are often invisible, ignored, or left behind by queer and feminist movements: queer people color, trans and non-binary persons, queer persons with disabilities, and queer / sexual workers. Many queer and other anti-capitalist anarchists come from anti-oppression spheres, and although analyzes in anti-oppression circles continue to improve, and explanations of intersectionality continue to be the rule in those circles, a good and critical anti-oppression analysis is not enough. We must be anti-capitalists and understand how capitalism works to truly understand the living conditions of the working class, from people who struggle with multiple oppressive systems to the "middle class" that is in a position (much too often temporary) privileged in the suburbs. With this understanding of class struggle, we can contribute to the creation of mass movements aimed at collective liberation.

Without this understanding of class struggle, our criticism of the state can only be wrong and limited; we need to have an understanding of class struggle to see the state as an instrument of class domination over all other classes, and for our anti-state project to consist of the need to destroy the bourgeois state, which is inseparable from the project of abolishing all classes. This is a social project, not an antisocial one. In order to paraphrase Kropotkin, we want no longer the leaders, not the abolition of the rules, and the failure to take into account the class struggle leads us to consider the state as an independent institution and not an instrument of class domination. This can also lead to a glorification of the antisocial deeds considered a form of resistance to the state, when in reality they are just juvenile, useless and reactionary. Unlike the Leninists, we do not want to take over the state power or replace it with a "proletarian" state. We are aware that if the class continues to exist after the revolution, and if there is a need for a hegemonic governing body separate from people in order to maintain social relations, in that case the revolution has failed.

However, many queer people end up in anticapitalist movements keeping the liberal ideas about the class and the way capitalism works, considering class just another way in which one can be oppressed or privileged, and not in terms of a ratio to the means of production that is in constantly reproduced. Applying an anti-oppression analysis to the class becomes problematic in many ways. This determines us to continue to use the definitions of the class used by the bourgeoisie (capitalist class) for us, some looking for the division of the working class and the determination of its members to act against their own class interests. This prevents us from explaining how and why some queer people are so badly hit by capitalism,

The solution to these problems is, of course, to educate us about the struggle of class and capitalism and to consider the queer movement as an indispensable part of the struggles of the working class.

About "classism"

A standard practice in anti-oppression circles is to create a list of oppressive forms to which we oppose, and often "classism" is included in that list. Leaving aside that lists are necessarily incomplete, capitalism is a different structure as a form of white supremacy or heteropatriarch, for example. We do not want to stop taking part in the heteropatriarchal abolition practices we now call queer; the goal of the anti-capitalist struggle must be first and foremost the denial of the capitalist class (by taking over the means of production) and then the subsequent denial of the working class once the exploitation of labor ceases by controlling its own labor and the needs of life, with the abolition property and the socialization of the means of production. To strive for less is simply to fight against class elitism, it means simply wanting the rich to treat us better so that the lives of the poor are not so severe. This is not the essence of our wishes. We want a world without the rich and the poor, and it is time for our analysis, our organization and our actions to reflect this!

Moreover, because of class analysis taken from liberal or reformist analyzes, there is a tendency to use classmation accusations to maintain divisions within the working class, silence, wipe, or deprive power of marginalized populations, as well as to invisible a wide variety of queer person experiences. And all of this comes from erroneous class analyzes. The post-belly restructuring of the working class, especially in the post-industrial world, has led to increasing levels of education among the working class and increasingly widespread employment in the service and technical sectors. Meanwhile, many stereotypical industrial jobs have moved to developing countries or replaced by automation. The sociological definitions of the class based on outdated stereotypes about education and the work done not only conceal social relations but also confuse the reality of the proletariat in the post-industrial world. Moreover, suppositions of who is "true proletarian" and what are "truly proletarians" capable intellectually insult those who do manual work and serve the implantation of anti-intellectualism in mass movements and preservation of intellectual work as in a specialized field of academics. Also, with the increasing privatization of education and the rapid increase in the cost of public or private higher education, student debts become an increasingly important factor in proletarian struggles, and to claim that there is a mythical "middle class" of which all those who are not tape laborers - fewer in number - are separating us from a whole variety of battle fronts. Too often our class discussions turn into a competition to determine whose childhood has been heavier, to the detriment of finding solutions to free ourselves. And while there are real socio-economic differences between different groups within the working class, we can not allow this to obscure our analysis of the class as a whole. to the detriment of finding solutions to free ourselves. And while there are real socio-economic differences between different groups within the working class, we can not allow this to obscure our analysis of the class as a whole. to the detriment of finding solutions to free ourselves. And while there are real socio-economic differences between different groups within the working class, we can not allow this to obscure our analysis of the class as a whole.

To overcome all these internal conflicts, this flawed analysis, and these overlooks, we need a truly anti-capitalist class analysis. We need to understand how capitalism created a class system based on the relation to the means of production and to realize that an essential component of the class struggle of the proletariat on the way to the destruction of capitalism is to win daily struggles such as working days shorter wages, higher salaries, safer and more comfortable working environments, to the extent that these things reduce the amount of surplus value the class of capitalists derives from us and can be won directly without any mediation. Another goal of daily struggles is to create and maintain effective forms of self-organization. Winning these intermediate struggles does not take the workers out of the working class and can lead (even have to lead if we want to self-emancipate as a class) both in improving the conditions against which we fight and building the capabilities and abilities necessary to fight by encouraging ourselves -our organization as a class. It is ridiculous to adhere to the same logic that the class of capitalists uses to divide us to our detriment.

Another error of this sociological / liberal analysis of the class as a mere other form of oppression is that it represents the first step in destroying our solidarity with the whole proletariat. When we look at the class as a way in which the poor are oppressed and the so-called middle class and capitalists are privileged (in which capitalists are just a little more privileged than the middle class), we inevitably fall into contradictory discussions to determine who does part "enough of the working class"; the queer person who grew up in poverty in a single-parent home ceases to be part of the working class when he studies and becomes a teacher? Is it unlawful to fight a person who is unable to find stable labor in capitalism for the simple fact that they have grown up in a household with two parents in a suburb? Are we giving up the white cishero workers because they are "too privileged" to be in the same fight with us? Do queer white people continue to fetishize black people by combining race with class without an analysis of how capitalism built and continues to maintain racism? We can not find answers to these things in queer anarchist circles as long as we do not give up class analysis taken from anti-oppression policies grounded in sociology and liberalism.

The most serious mistake, however, of giving the class a simple status of oppression, consists of the failure to achieve, to paraphrase Marx, that the workers are those who are radically chained; that the exploitation of the working class represents the entire foundation of the system that we want to destroy, and that only by identifying, fighting and destroying those chains can we be released any of us. Once we realize this, we can begin to understand how stratification based on race, gender, and sexuality was built into the working class as a means of exercising control, and how much this stratification was the midwife that helped to bring about capitalism.

Beyond the limits of identity policies

The term "queer" was born in the idea of criticizing the suppositions underlying identity politics. These suppositions stated that the oppressed groups are well defined, have clear boundaries, that all members / members of a oppressed group have common desires and needs, and that a small part of a group can thus speak for the whole group. "Queer" was deliberately claimed to be a term of solidarity and struggle, and to include gays, lesbians, bi / pansexuals, and transsexuals or other non-conforming people. Initially, there was recognition that these groups had different wishes and needs, but formed a unified coalition around gender-based oppression and sexuality. However, the queer liberation movements that remain rooted in our identity policies have led us to debate the exact boundaries of queerness and arguments to determine who they are legitimate about to claim at the same time that we are not taking part to identity policies, and to be able to ignore all the very real differences of power in the queer community. In order to break the negative aspects of identity politics, we must look at the material conditions and the specific effects on certain subgroups and struggle from those material conditions. so that in all this time we can claim that we do not take part in identity politics, and so we can ignore all the very real differences of power that appear within the queer community. In order to break the negative aspects of identity politics, we must look at the material conditions and the specific effects on certain subgroups and struggle from those material conditions. so that in all this time we can claim that we do not take part in identity politics, and so we can ignore all the very real differences of power that appear within the queer community. In order to break the negative aspects of identity politics, we must look at the material conditions and the specific effects on certain subgroups and struggle from those material conditions.

Moreover, by defining a common struggle based solely on the queerness lines, we are faced with the question of whether we want to organize ourselves for the same struggles as queer bourgeois people. While queer anarchist / anti-authoritarian / anti-capitalist circles place a great emphasis on the discourse of "anti-assimilation" and anti-capitalist, often the analysis decays in syntagms such as "being heterosexuals is bad" and "capitalism is bad." Generalizing heterosexuals on a coherent group that hegemonically oppresses queer people and that the reason why we do not want to be assimilated is that we do not want to be like them,

We must oppose the institution of marriage sanctioned by the state because it strengthens the nuclear family in the form of consumption and reproduction of capitalism, not because many heterosexuals marry. Trying to reverse the hierarchy of relationships to blame people who are happy in a long-term relationship and sharing a household with a partner does not bring us anything closer to the end of capitalism or the destruction of oppression. It's just a way for queer people to control the identities, expressions, and life forms of people inside our community. If anti-assimilation is to have value, it must be built on the idea that we want to destroy the current order and help build a better world,

It is also necessary to take into account our class interests; no matter how much the queer bourgeoisie would try to play the role of a "radical" queerness, we can not find anything in common with their class interests, and we are fighting them, not with the heterosexual members of the working class. If we accept that our common interests are in our queerness, not only can we be forced to ignore the other ways in which we are oppressed, it is also to accept that the queer bourgeoisie are our allies and the hetero persons to which we belong of the working class are our enemies, when we want only one thing from the queer bourgeoisie - to take back what legitimately belongs to us and share it among us based on our needs.

Without incorporating an analysis beyond identity, we are unable to overcome the limitations of identity policies. While an understanding of intersectionality helps us understand that some people queer have problems that other people do not have, cross-sectorality is not enough because it does not address the fact that queer bourgeois interests are in direct opposition to the interests of most queer people, and this conflict can only be solved by sharpening the class struggle, and ultimately through a social revolution. We need to be cautious when criticizing identity only to create a singular inner group and a singular outer group, and where the composition of that inner group has more to do with hipness and popularity at the expense of sexuality or gender.

Fighting autonomously, or "Who's queer after all?"

It is often necessary for oppressed groups to participate in class struggle autonomously - to organize themselves on the basis of specific material conditions, to fight against them, and to re-integrate their struggle within the whole working class. Although I have just as much interest in discussing the exact definition of the queer as I have for discussion of the maximum number of angels that can achieve group masturbation on a pin of a needle, it is quite clear what it means to be queer in general - being non-heterosexual, and / or the state of being transgender, genderqueer, or not conforming to a gender. This is the great definition that has been used for queer as a claim for solidarity by queer communities who have fought for decades.

Queer communities in the working class have often been attacked on both sides, first by bourgeois LGBT organizations seeking membership and legitimacy, and by radical organizations seeking to coop queer and queerness people with whom they feel comfortable. Both camps wipe and silence those queer people they do not feel comfortable with. Eventually, queer people in the working class need the ability to self-organize, and to do so they must not be controlled by bourgeois LGBT organizations or by radical organizations coming from outside to lead them. Although there are of course queer queer people in the working class within radical organizations,

While queer communities have often defined "queer" too narrowly - examples of groups excluded from lesbian communities are bisexual, femmes, butch / butch and femme / femme couples at certain moments butch and femmes, and trans females - we must not be so extensive that the term becomes meaningless; we have to keep a queer notion that emphasizes separation from traditional family notions and additional reproductive labor (in the sense of being able to reproduce the next day's work power) that comes from belonging to a oppressed group that is in danger constantly from a hostile world and lacking traditional means of support.

If we want queer people to be able to participate in wider class struggle (not as if we have not been part of it all the time), we need spaces and organizations where we can tackle class struggle from the perspective queer people in the working class. We need spaces where we can raise questions about what it means to be a queer person in the working class for our material conditions, for our exploitation in capitalism. To really be able to do that we need spaces where we can form organizations that do not have to make any hetero radical feel comfortable, and spaces that are not controlled by queer bourgeois. If we / ourselves will give birth to those spaces, we will be able to organize our own struggles, connect them to the wider battles of the class, and bring queer fierceness back to class struggle. We do not need anyone outside to lead us; we will do what we need not by focusing on academic definitions of what it means to be queer but rather on the material conditions of queer people's lives.

The impasse of anti-assimilationism

Anti-assimilation as long as it was a critique of bourgeois co-optation of queer liberation movements was valuable. Anti-assimilation as long as it was hostile to the integration of queer battles as part of the wider class struggle and how long it controlled the identities of queer individuals by removing those who could go as heterosexuals, trans migrants seeking medical transition, queer monogames , queer people who have to hide in their professional lives to keep a job, was an impediment. Dialectic assimilation / anti-assimilationism is not useful. The right questions we have to ask about queer organizations, movements and queer battles are: What is class composition? Are forms of organization an advantage or a hindrance to proletarian class struggle? Would the objectives strengthen the working class or the bourgeoisie? In which of our struggles are our revolutionary efforts most useful in achieving our ultimate goal of communism? We also need to ask ourselves how we can expand the battle - what opportunities do each of the queer struggles have to spread to the rest of the working class?

These are more important questions to me than if the queer people participating in the struggle reach an adequate level of anti-assimilation purity, which is often only a reflection of the stratification that is built inside the working class, twisted to the surface, but faithful to that stratification in its depth. Another problem with anti-assimilation purity is, as I mentioned earlier, the idea that there is a need for queer people to discipline themselves to adhere to a hegemonic idea of queerness that is opposed to a hegemonic idea of heterosexism. We are in danger of removing many more queer people whom we should want to fight against those people with whom we do not want to fight,

Lastly, we must bear in mind that any movement that is considered to be broken by class struggle, which does not integrate an understanding of the logic of capital within its own organization and purposes, will serve the bourgeois goals as it will be easy to co-opt or will be able to expand to other sectors of the working class and to satisfy demands that capital can easily satisfy without being weakened. The task of queer communist people in relation to queer movements is to place themselves in mass organizations, to support important topics for the queer working class in hetero-dominated organizations, and to support a truly anti-capitalist analysis, the action direct and uninterrupted struggle within queer organizations. We can not afford to separate ourselves into a radical queer bubble, broken by both heterosexual persons and queer non-personalized individuals; nor can we afford to dilute our policies into schematics such as united fronts. Instead, we note the need to form both specific political organizations with a high degree of unity and to support our revolutionary ideas in mass organizations.

Questions to Ask

Of course, we have long passed the days when any Communist seriously considers queerness to be a "bourgeois deviation." However, although we have anarchist and Marxist feminism on which to rely, we remain with a queer theory that is totally broken by class and transfeminism without a solid class foundation, and a queer movement that has abandoned its roots in queer working class. All this leaves us with many questions that still need to be addressed.

At the theoretical level, we have questions about how queerness affects the conditions of productive and reproductive labor of queer people in the working class. Questions such as "how to choose not to form the same type of long-term romantic relationships as to how it impacts the way someone's work is exploited (harder exploitation, less work-related assistance, and loss of family support)? Or when both partners are perceived as women or women, and we assume that none is the main source of income, and how in that way those low wages and the way they are thrown into a maternity role in the workplace bring that alienation into relationships our social? Or the unpaid extra reproductive labor (in the sense of reproducing the next day's work power) that is necessary when you live in a world that is hostile even to your existence? "Must be addressed and analyzed in the hope that they can guide us in our struggle.

At a somewhat more practical level, questions such as "where can the potential for widespread wars that are initiated by queer people from the working class remain? How has the process that the queer movement has lost its revolutionary character and developed a reactionary process? Which forms of self-organization would be most useful to us as queer people in the working class? "Although these questions may seem more pressing than the theoretical ones previously suggested, just as non-practical theory is useless, and practice without a theory will always leave running in all directions and incapable of identifying the best places and moments in which to concentrate our energies. If we really want to build a queer movement with a proletarian character and bring back the queer fights in the proletarian struggle we will need both.

Conclusion

Queer anarchists are faced with an election: do we remain an identity-based analysis and regard our liberation as an independent entity? Or are we directly involved in class struggle alongside the rest of the working class, and regard our liberation as impossible to separate from the liberation of all? One of the choices isolates us at the political level and can lead us to make alliances with the capital that exploits us and attacks the self-organization of mass movements; the other has the potential to lead us to a true release, because we are divided, but united / nothing in this world does not move without the sweat on our foreheads.

That does not mean that queer people can only receive from class struggle and have nothing to offer in their turn. Many of us have been excluded from our home families and can provide a wealth of practical experience in creating new communities based on mutual help and solidarity. We bring our own unique points of view on the process of oppression, and by observing how it has created divisions within our own communities and has undermined our struggles for liberation, we can provide a great deal of direct knowledge of how oppressions intersect, and power imbalances can damage and derail the struggle of the proletariat. We have in the past mobilized large numbers from our ranks when our community was threatened, recognizing the power imbalances within our community, how parts of our community have been disproportionately affected, and how the crisis went beyond our community. We joined together to respond to the initial phase of the AIDS crisis and to fight directly with the neglect of the state and profit corporations, but then, with the power and influence of the queer bourgeoisie and their organizations, we were sent to go attention to getting married and armed, against our interests, and abandoning those of us who are marginalized in multiple ways. We can take that power back by identifying ways in which queer members of the working class are affected by struggles around unions (and struggles to create workers' organizations that are not just a negotiator between struggle and capital), housing , access to health care, disproportionate effects of environmental damage felt by the working class and oppressed groups, and controls on immigration and a world without borders in the form of nation states and against identities that constrain, limit and control. By identifying how queer people are affected by these struggles, we can create real solidarity ties with other communities in these struggles, communities that already have many of us.

For me, someone who is devoted to the destruction of all forms of oppression and the destruction of capitalism and the bourgeois state and the realization of communism - a classless society without states where production is organized according to our abilities and strictly for the satisfaction of human needs, the choice is obvious; as a queer communist, I must participate in the class struggle and take part in the self-organization of the working class, for it is not enough for me as a queer person to be in the same circumstances as a heterosexual in the same social position - nothing besides a social revolution will not be enough. And the only way in which that social revolution can take place and can be successful is to fight ourselves from our own material conditions and by expanding that struggle throughout the working class.

Recommended Bibliography and Resources:

"Queers Read This," ACT UP NY, http://www.actupny.org/documents/QueersReadThis.pdf (accessed January 26, 2012).
Deric Shannon and J. Rogue, "Refusing to Wait: Anarchism and Intersectionality," http://theanarchistlibrary.org/HTML/Deric_Shannon_and_J._Rogue__Refusing_to_Wait__Anarchism_and_Intersectionality.html (accessed January 26, 2012).
Queers Without Borders, http://www.queerswithoutborders.com (accessed January 26, 2012).

Pink Is a Shade of Red, http://queeranarchism.blogspot.com/ (accessed January 26, 2012).

Author's blogs at Autonomous Struggle of the Glitter: http://glittertariat.blogspot.com

We can not hope to understand the capitalist mode of production without some familiarity with Marx; While there are some good books, lectures, and / or blogs about how to read Marx's Capital, we should start with reading and, indeed, with the effort to go through the first volume of Capital without it be interpreted by someone else. Among the guidelines for Marx's Capital, Harry Cleaver's - Reading Capital Politcally is probably the best.

Caliban and the Witch: Women, the body and the primitive accumulation of Silvia Federici detailing the bloody birth of capitalism in feudalism, the beginnings of a new patriarchal age, and the way primitive accumulation has embedded the race and gender hierarchies within the proletariat - can not be recommended enough.

Libcom ( http://www.libcom.org ) has a vast library of Communist libertarian writings - the work of anarcho-syndicalists, anarcho-communists, left-wing Communists, autonomists, council communists, ultra-left Marxist humanists, etc. . which I strongly recommend and where interesting and clear topics can be found.

Gayge The Operaist is an autonomous Marxist and Italian Butch who engages in many sexual pleasures in New England. Is a street doctor, botanist, wildlife educator, health care educator, and student student, as well as verbal poet and organizer, involved in a form or another organization for more than a decade. He is a member of IWW, formerly organizer of TransFix NorCal and former Camp Trans organizer. The main topics of his work are the organization of nurses, the organization around personal assistance, the dissemination of knowledge to enable the members of the community to be part of, to provide each other with more assistance and support, to contribute to the formation of those mutual aid networks,

https://iasromania.wordpress.com/2017/12/20/comunitatea-queer-radicala-si-lupta-de-clasa-o-legatura-ce-trebuie-creata-de-gayge-operaista/
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