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(en) France, Alternative Libertaire AL Septembre - Politics: What is Macron the offspring? (fr, it, pt) [machine translation]
Tue, 3 Oct 2017 09:29:36 +0300
The last electoral sequence resulted in an upheaval in the political scene. A perfect
unknown voters a little over three years ago was elected president. He will have easily
effaced a FN condemned, as it is, to serve as a scarecrow. The newly founded Republic
(LREM), founded in the spring of 2016, has shaken up the French political field. Back to
the moment Macron. ---- The two big formations that had for more than thirty-five years
shared the responsibilities of government saw their candidates eliminated in the first
round of the presidential. If the right (LR-UDI) saved the furniture during the
legislative with 131 deputies, it is hardly the case of the left PS which records the
worst score of its history with 29 deputies. This first upheaval was accompanied by a
profound renewal of the political staff .
The art of making old with new
This apparent change of scene masks profound continuities. The objective macronien
displayed is to transcend the traditional divisions, which is achieved: the opposition
that existed for decades between the right and left and has structured the political life
no longer exists .
More than three decades later, the right and the left have succeeded one another in
power to practice, in a few nuances, the same policies of neo-liberal inspiration (high
structural unemployment, the development of precarious work, dismantling of the welfare
state, intensity and productivity of labor, wage austerity ...) leading to worsening
inequalities of all kinds, accompanied by security policies threatening public freedoms
while attacking the immigrants of the popular strata, sowing consequently misery, despair,
and resentment. All of this against the backdrop of a transnational circulation of
capital, orchestrated by the EU, the WTO, the IMF , and so on.
These policies gradually discredited the governments that led them. Each new majority
succeeded the previous one by making it appear that it would succeed where the previous
one had failed, before the mediocrity of its own results, even its frank failure, led to
its rejection for the benefit of its adversary who, a political virginity had been
re-established in the opposition, enabling it at the appropriate moment to take up the
torch to pursue the same course.
Under these conditions, there must necessarily come a time when, by dint of repetition,
this false semblance of alternation would ruin itself. Where the credit of the former
right and left-wing political parties would also be compromised by their repeated
failures, while the so-called opposition of their orientations, which had hitherto made it
possible to organize alternately an illusion of change by means of ... would appear to the
greatest number for what it has become: the opposition between the white cap and the white
This moment came as a result of Sarkozy's bling-bling quinquennium and the first gray and
then frankly sinister of a Holland which, for having declared his desamer of finance, will
remain as the author of the most sumptuous gifts made to employers .
Macron understood that the time had come not to pretend to oppose this right and left,
both subjected to the neo-liberal model, and to profit from their common exhaustion in
order to rally to him all the partisans of this model.
In order to judge the stakes of the current operation, the chances of its success and the
means of countering it, we have to go behind this theater of shadows that is the political
scene and scrutinize the depths of the changes at work between the social classes. What is
being played is indeed only the latest adventure in the formation of a new dominant social
The formation of a new ruling class
At the end of the 1970s, in response to the economic crisis resulting from the Fordist
regime of reproduction of capital, in the same way and under the competitive pressure of
its counterparts of the other principal capitalist states, a part of the industrial,
commercial and industrial bourgeoisie the French financial system has promoted and
relayed, under the guise of neoliberal policies, the general movement of
transnationalization of capital. But in order to consolidate its power over the laboring
population, the question arose of the reconstitution, around it and under its direction,
of a social bloc capable of assuring its hegemony, that is to say, its domination cultural
basis from a substantial social base in the population.
Indeed, it has been necessary to rely on new socio-professional categories in order to
find a " majority " for the dominant class in existence since the mid-1970s. Indeed, the
liberalization of the circulation of capital in all its forms by abolishing national
protections and protectionism of all types, deregulating markets, abandoning any
redistribution of wealth at the national level, systematically competing with capital,
workers, regional and national territories, undermined the the old social block on which,
since the end of the XIX th century, the French bourgeoisie had based its domination. This
is what is called " block of the propertied , Based on an alliance with the majority of
the traditional middle classes (peasantry, small merchants and shopkeepers, clerical and
commercial employees, small capital, liberal professions), politically represented by a
group of formations of the right and the center , which was directed against the "
partageux block " uniting the proletariat (proletarianized artisans, industrial workers)
and different categories of nascent leadership, including its public fraction (teachers
from primary, junior civil servants, etc. ), represented by the SFIO in rivalry with
The " sharing block " will reach the goal and at the same time commit suicide. Thus, in
1981, the left PS-PC came to power with a program which, behind a revolutionary verbiage,
proposes to respond to the crisis by the continuation of the old model. Its failure in
1983 forced a part of the political elites (on the side of the PS) and trade unions (on
the side of the CFDT) to also sink into the mold of neoliberal policies. This is the "
European choice " .
The divorce between these elites and a major part of their social base, proletariat and
management, will only increase as the political alternations allow them to regain power
Under these conditions, a new hegemonic bloc was formed between, on the one hand, the
fraction of the bourgeoisie impelling and directing the movement of transnationalization
of capital, and, on the other hand, the upper and middle strata of management, public and
The continuing constitution of this bloc will have been favored by a number of
socio-economic, political and ideological transformations induced by the process of
transnationalization of capital itself. This will have contributed to the crisis of the
workers' movement, its forms of organization and struggle as projects and utopias of
Locked into a world image based on nation-states, the workers' movement has been caught
unawares by the transnationalization of capital, bypassing and weakening the nation-state,
thereby depriving it of any strategy - as we have seen in 1981. The French as well as the
European left have either exhausted themselves to persist in this increasingly inoperative
way or have converted themselves to the neo-liberal model because they have not
anticipated the new dynamics of capitalism and its rising financial bourgeoisie.
This has weakened workers' ability to fight. It should be emphasized here that the left
PS-PCF of the 1970s and 1980s contributed greatly to the disarmament of the workers by
prioritizing the change by the elections to the detriment of the direct action on the
places of work and of life. Competition among employees, the rise of individualism,
passivity and political indifference have allowed passive consent to the defeat of the
Left, which opened the way to the domination of a new bourgeoisie.
At the same time, the political and ideological scene was shaken from the mid-1980s
onwards by the emergence of the FN. Its lasting settlement is itself explained by the
break-up of the two former social groups of the right and left, depriving representatives
and political representation of both a part of the traditional middle classes and a part
of the wage-earning workers , workers and employees). Beneficiary of the crisis of the
former social and ideological order, the FN will nevertheless have brought its stone to
the establishment of the new. On the one hand, by helping to divide the workers, workers
and employees by pitting one against the other wage earners who are reputed to be French
nationals and wage earners who are stigmatized as foreigners (" immigrants " "), On the
other hand, by serving as a scarecrow.
Such are the conditions and modalities of the establishment of the new bourgeoisie to
which we are confronted. It will therefore punish all the workers hard ... Unless these
last and last change the course of history. A story that struggles shape !
Rémi Ermon (Lorient) and Nico (Moselle) from an article by Alain Bihr * " France, the
moment Macron ", to be read on Alencontre.org
Let's concentrate our shots !
What are their chances of success of the Macronian company ? As an asset, we can count on
an absolute LREM majority in the National Assembly, flanked by allies of true right and
false left won neoliberalism.
Its future will depend first and foremost on its ability to retain its electoral base, to
conquer other institutional positions in the upcoming elections. What looks rather good,
its sociological homogeneity and composition seem more promising than those of the PS and LR.
But these few assets of the Macronie must not mask its main handicap: the weakness of its
social base. Minority within the population as a whole, Macronie is even for the moment
within its own social base (cadres and intermediate professions). To reinforce its base
and weld its base, it will be necessary to gain the bulk of the middle and lower layers of
the frame. Until we have managed this operation, the domination of transnational financial
bourgeois can only rely on the resignation of the majority of the exploited and dominé.es.
But this resignation is precarious. As was experienced with the strikes of 2003 and 2010
against the " reform " of pensions, in the spring of 2016 against the labor law. This
conflictuality could manifest as early as this fall against the labor law.2 Or if not
then, the planned counter-reforms will be the source of further social explosions.
Provided that resignation is undermined by the emergence of an alternative to
neoliberalism, the priority of which is the development of solidarity at work and in the
neighborhoods by organizations that claim to be socially transformed.
The present problem can be summed up as follows: to bring the popular classes into a new
social bloc, that of workers, workers and employees with a part of the middle classes,
capable of weighing through its struggles by making it credible again, emancipation.
 Almost three-quarters of the newly elected are in their first term. The average age
increases from 54.1 years to 48.6 years and the Assembly has more than a third of women.
 Thus the government of Édouard Philippe includes people (in addition to LREM) from
LR-UDI, Modem or PS. In reality, it is less genius than opportunism ...
 The EU (European Union), the WTO (World Trade Organization), the IMF (International
 The so-called " pact of responsibility and solidarity " (40 billion euros in full year).
 SFIO, French Section of the Workers' International, the ancestor of the PS.
 The commitment to reinforce the " European construction " as a solution to the
crisis already serves as an alibi.
 On the historical bloc concepts and hegemony, a short book to understand its origins
and those of his thinker Antonio Gramsci: Introduction to Antonio Gramsci, collection
Insights, Discovery, 2013. 10 euros.
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