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(en) rebeldiacontrainfo: A libertarian exit to the Kurdish question By Juan Camilo Rodríguez Guerra * (fr, it, pt) [machine translation]

Date Tue, 12 Sep 2017 09:44:50 +0300


Kurdish question is the generic name given to a reality that suffers not only Kurdistan but hundreds of peoples in different latitudes, who share cultural, linguistic and historical aspects but who, despite themselves, were left out of the division of the world into nations. In other words, no: Kurdistan is not a country. It is called a people divided into four frontiers (Turkey, Syria, Iraq and Iran) that has suffered the imposition, exclusion and barbarism under the complicit silence of the international community. ---- The beginning of the Kurdish question was traced in 1923, when the signing of the Lausanne Treaty artificially divided Kurdistan into five parts (the Soviet Union also had its share). At that moment a struggle for the unification is consolidated that will be systematically counteracted by any of the States where the separatist flame sprouted.

In 1945 an ephemeral Republic of Mahabad, of socialist court, was proclaimed that without support of the Soviets is defeated to the few months by Iran. What is interesting is not what happened there, but what is being done in the Zagros and Anatolia mountains: a coalition of Kurdish Marxist guerrillas who are now considered the germ of the most important anarchist revolution of the 21st century, in my opinion.

Abdullah Öcalan, a political scientist at the University of Ankara, moved by the tragedy of millions of separated and persecuted families, founds Party 1 of the Workers of Kurdistan - PKK in 1973, 2 of Marxist-Leninist line. Created in informality, its anti-fascist and nationalist positions were well received by the student movement as well as the Turkish secret police, which infiltrated and commits the murder of Haki Karer in 1977, a young Turk in solidarity with the Kurdish question.

Before this, the PKK soon becomes related to the mentioned guerrillas and in 1984 initiates the armed struggle. His performance is not noticeable until five years later, when a turning point is formed by two events: the first that Öcalan, ideological leader of the PKK, ordered the first organization of Kurdish women to be created in Germany; the second that this year to '92 is a period in Turkey known as the lead years , where the guerrilla struggle reaches the cities and repression is accentuated. It is when the PKK, with approximately 1% of female armed presence, delegates a co-protagonism to the neighborhood-led struggles of women. By 1992 it is estimated that its presence in the guerrilla arm went from 1% to 25%.

An uneasiness began to spread in the ranks of the party. The men carried out boycott campaigns to counteract the appearance of women in the Kurdish struggle and Öcalan, before this, reflects and writes The question of women and the family; book that when socializing with the guerrillera breaks with the Marxist-Leninist theory 3 . This is followed by an internal theoretical tension against the established patriarchal mentality, which saw women as weak and vulnerable subjects who delayed the revolution, and who therefore had to be relegated to a sexual object of the PKK commanders.

Before this Öcalan, in 1992, ordered to create an army of guerrilleras that exists until today, known like the Protective Feminine Units - YPJ, that in 2016 counted on approximately 13,000 fighters.

At the end of century XX the ideological leader of the PKK is imprisoned by Turkey and sentenced to life imprisonment. This is no obstacle for Öcalan to continue to reflect and write. From prison, he sympathizes with the theory of the American anarchist Murray Bookchin, who proposes the creation of horizontal political organizations that gradually take away the functions to the States. This theoretical relationship between Öcalan and Bookchin explains why in the 2002 Congress the PKK adopts democratic Confederalism as a political project: a cantonal system where decisions are taken from the neighborhood assemblies and, if necessary, then discussed in cantons, then cities and provinces. This implies a materialization of direct democracy, also called organization from the bottom up orbottom-up.

The rest is history. The armed triumph of the PKK in Rojava, Syria, in 2012, before the forces of the Islamic State, initiates a project to materialize democratic Confederalism. This project, which not only works in Rojava but in much of northern Syria, recalls what happened in the Spanish Civil War when the CNT, an anarchist union, defends Barcelona of Francoism and establishes direct democracy. And this Kurdish departure, which does not advocate a national state but for political, economic and military autonomy vis-a-vis Syria, has the capacity to encourage those hundreds of homeless peoples of the world to self-organize under the black banner of anarchism.
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1 ) The term party should not be understood from the connotations of liberal democracy, but from those of Marxism-Leninism. Thus, there was neither an electoral aspiration nor an interest in participating in the Turkish political-partisan contest.

2 ) The official foundation of the PKK is in 1978, however, since '73 Öcalan worked informally in organizations that are perceived as predecessors to the PKK. Sterka Sor (Red Star) was the group probably infiltrated by the Turkish secret police.

3 ) Although this issue provokes discussion, many feminist theorists explain that the Marxist project was never interested in the sexual and gender issue, which considered that after the victory of the proletariat and the arrival of communism, all kinds of inequalities would disappear.

* Student VIII semester Political Science - University of La Sabana - @SiembraNada - juanrodgu @ unisabana.edu.co

https://rebeldiacontrainfo.wordpress.com/2017/09/06/una-salida-libertaria-a-la-cuestion-kurda/
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