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(en) Poland, rozbrat: Discussion about the 500+ program, part 3 Jaroslaw Urbanski [machine translation]

Date Sat, 9 Sep 2017 13:36:44 +0300


We present three articles about the 500+ program. Originally published in the magazine A-TAk. ---- Absolutely, the 500+ program is one of the largest social transfers in Poland after 1989, irrespective of the intentions of the ruling party. I therefore agree with the author's observations, which argue with the text in the previous issue of "A-Taku". "500+, 750?". It is worth mentioning, however, that there are several issues concerning the broader context of the introduction of this program. ---- Inheritance of poverty ---- It is good to see that research is beginning to confirm the positive impact of 500+ on the financial situation of many of the poorest households in Poland. In the case of children peculiar perversion takes on a capitalist doctrine, which says that each man himself is responsible for his or her fate. This thesis is especially difficult for the youngest. Poverty is simply inherited, and the career of "from sho-chef to millionaire" is a myth, at best the "incident" rather than the path of universal material advancement. It was the Civic Platform itself, which in its writings was written in 2005: "Since the mechanisms for equalizing the life chances of children from very poor, often very rural families are practically absent, most will not be able to break free from poverty, if existing social mechanisms function ... ". It has been shown, inter alia, that especially agricultural families receive 44% less income than the working families (1). For this reason, self-defense and the blockade of roads were very popular. Boiling in the province had its social background, which was not always seen from the perspective of the urban environment.

The situation in the countryside was to change after the accession of Poland to the EU thanks to agricultural subsidies, especially direct, to the farmer as a subsidy to his hectares of agricultural land. (This is not the kind of another, as much redistribution of resources we have dealt with in the last decades.) In the years 2007-2013, the transfer amounted to approximately EUR 15.4 billion (2), ie PLN 61.6 billion[at the adopted rate of PLN 4.00 / EUR 1.00]. (In the years 2014-2020 it is expected to amount to 23.3 billion euros). For this there is also EU money (smaller) for rural development.

The emergence of these measures in the Polish countryside caused radical changes, an increase in the average income of farmers and improvement of the living situation. A number of studies have pointed to improvements in the financial situation of rural dwellers, but EU subsidies have promoted mainly large farms. These funds were actually grants resulting not from the social situation, but above all on the possession of land. And because the dwarf farms dominated the Polish countryside, the problem of growing income inequalities was growing. As noted in the Forbes magazine in 2015: "Farmers' incomes are also very diverse, and this diversity is growing." Let's take, for example, the Gini coefficient, which illustrates inequality in a given society; It is expressed in a scale of 0.0 to 1.0, where 0, 0 all members of society earn the same amount, while 1.0 means extreme income inequality. In 2004, before the entry of Poland into the EU, in the case of Gini farmers was 0.49, and in 2014 already 0.56 - with the average for the whole country about 0.34 (3).

Drops of prosperity

Contrary to the belief of the neo-liberal elite, there were areas of poverty remaining in the countryside, especially in the pope's areas, where, as I have mentioned, a relatively large proportion of the population had only a small area of land and lived (mainly) as wage earners in industry and services. In general, today's proletarianisation is happening, so EU direct subsidies are likely to reach a larger stream to a smaller group of people. In turn, false in turn in this case called. The theory of drifting (which theory is not, but only a popular view and ideology), saying that the wealth elite "drips" on the poor, improving their material position. Therefore - according to economic liberals, also, I think, those under the PiS sign - the appearance of property differences are not something bad. With the enrichment of selected groups, others gain. It turns out,

On the other hand, 500+ is not - as is often believed - a "universal" program and does not at all in Polish history something extraordinary. Suffice it to say that in the 70s and 80s of the previous century, family allowances in the People's Republic of Poland accounted for even 6% of the national wage fund. According to GUS data for 2015, support for families with the 500+ program accounts for about 3% of the national wage fund. Taking into account all the differences between the situation in the Polish People's Republic and today (functioning of the labor market, full employment vs. unemployment, etc.), we see that 500+ is not something special. I grew up in the Polish People's Republic, which today may be considered as many (I have two siblings) and my mother, who was not working at that time, received relatively large sums. There was also no problem that when we grew up, it was in the mid 80's. hired labor in industry.

This is not necessarily the kind of family allowances that must mean female inactivity, but they are - in my view - a compensation or even a kind of payment for the unpaid, caring work of women at home. Currently deploring the fact that 500+ "throws" out of the labor market of women, I find it exaggerated and often expressed from a liberal perspective as if the work of a mother of three children on tape in a special economic zone for 2000 zl gross per month was something she especially desired. It is not. Neoliberal politicians (eg from Modern), however, say that if women do not accept these half-working conditions, they will not "get" pensions. But they are - in my view - a compensation or even a kind of payment for the free, caring work of women at home. Currently deploring the fact that 500+ "throws" out of the labor market of women, I find it exaggerated and often expressed from a liberal perspective as if the work of a mother of three children on tape in a special economic zone for 2000 zl gross per month was something she especially desired. It is not. Neoliberal politicians (eg from Modern), however, say that if women do not accept these half-working conditions, they will not "get" pensions. But they are - in my view - a compensation or even a kind of payment for the free, caring work of women at home. Currently deploring the fact that 500+ "throws" out of the labor market of women, I find it exaggerated and often expressed from a liberal perspective as if the work of a mother of three children on tape in a special economic zone for 2000 zl gross per month was something she especially desired. It is not. Neoliberal politicians (eg from Modern), however, say that if women do not accept these half-working conditions, they will not "get" pensions. In the special economic zone for 2000 zl gross per month, was something she was particularly desirable. It is not. Neoliberal politicians (eg from Modern), however, say that if women do not accept these half-working conditions, they will not "get" pensions. In the special economic zone for 2000 zl gross per month, was something she was particularly desirable. It is not. Neoliberal politicians (eg from Modern), however, say that if women do not accept these half-working conditions, they will not "get" pensions.

500 plus nationalism

As we well remember, the fact of high family allowances did not protect the PRL from economic degradation and political disaster. Today's right-wing government can not stop at this system of redistribution of income, which is 500+, if it wants to govern by successive - as the Law and Justice leaders announce - a dozen or so years. Let us remember that the introduction of 500+ coincided with a particular economic boom that would not last forever. Economic turmoil is an integral feature of the capitalist economy, whose foundation the PiS government does not want to change. Therefore, it may turn out that during the economic downturn, PiS will become hostage of its own flagship program.

We should be wondering now how we will defend social benefits such as 500+, lowering the retirement age and progressing the minimum wage. Nothing was left to the public. Convolutions were won in direct confrontation with today's post-solidarity elites. There was no vote on the PiS to explain the "Smolensk mystery" but above all because of retirement age, low wages, junk contracts, and insufficient redistribution of social income to the poorest classes. In any case, the voices of voters waiting for changes in economic policy have ensured PiS victory. Continuation of ultraliberal economic policy, supported since its inception by today's PiS leaders (formerly under various party signs) It threatened the permanent post-solidarity postponement of power. The current pro-social changes are an attempt to save the elites of these elites that have emerged and shaped over the last 25 years. Of course, 500+ is not the only "weapon" in the arsenal of the right. It can also include, for example, scaring away refugees or nationalist indoctrination.

Footnotes:
(1) Jaroslaw Urbanski, "Precariat and the new class struggle", Poznan 2014, p. 224
(2) Piotr Prus, Bartosz Mickiewicz, "Comparative Analysis of CAP support instruments within the multiannual financial perspective 2014-2020 in relation to the CAP in 2007 Tomasz Józwik, "Farmers in Poland Have Revenue above the National Average ", Journal of Agribusiness and Rural Development No 4 (34) / 14, http://www.jard.edu.pl/pub/10_4_2014_en.pdf
(3) ", Www.forbes.pl z dn. 12.01.2015 r., Http://www.forbes.pl/dochody-rolnikow-przychody-w-gospodarstwach-rolnych-rosna,artykuly,200488,1,1.html

http://www.rozbrat.org/publicystyka/kontrola-spoeczna
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