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(en) France, Alternative Libertaire AL - 13 th Congress (Nantes, 3-5 June 2017) -- General Orientation Motion (fr, it, pt) [machine translation]

Date Sun, 11 Jun 2017 10:15:12 +0300


Summary: ---- From social regression to the "conservative revolution" ? ---- Worsening of inequalities, rising capitalist profits and social breakdown ---- Semi-social, half-reactionary revolts ---- Liberals' leap forward, old recipes of neoreformism ---- Towards an authoritarian regime ? ---- Fighting the next government, anticipating its objectives and finding breaches ---- Hot spots ---- Political practices, practices in struggles ---- Alternative libertarian in action ---- Neither angelicism nor paranoia: to prepare materially and morally for the hardening of security ---- The intervention of AL: a voluntarism without blindness ---- 1. From social regression to the "conservative revolution" ? ---- Worsening of inequalities, rising capitalist profits and social breakdown ---- In France as in the rest of the world, inequalities continue to widen.

On the one hand, the multiplication of precarious contracts, mostly occupied by young and low-skilled people. In the second quarter of 2016, 87 % of hirings were fixed-term contracts, 70 % of which were for less than one month. The unemployment rate is close to 10 %, or 5.8 million people [1]. One third does not receive any compensation, half less than 500 euros ... [2].

On the other hand, the rich are always richer. In 2014, the annual income of a large boss represents 600 to 1,120 years of Smic [3]. Wealth inequalities are even stronger than income inequalities. The richest 50% hold 8 % of the wealth, compared to half for the richest 10% [4]. In 2014, France reached a new record in the number of billionaires: 67. The total amount of the first 500 French professional heritages increased by 15% in one year, reaching 390 billion euros. More than the state budget !

The socialist government, as a good servant of the capitalist bourgeoisie, pursued all-out social caste and gifts to employers. With the National Interprofessional Agreement legalizing blackmail in employment, the Rebsamen law attacking union representation, the Macron law trivializing Sunday work and diminishing the rights of dismissed workers. Finally, the passing of the Labor Act to article 49-3, opening a considerable breach in the protection of employees with the reversal of the hierarchy of norms in the labor law. The tax credit for the competitiveness of employment and the " pact of responsibility " brought billions to the bosses without any hiring at the key, while all the public services are imposed more and more austerity measures and privatizations.

As a class conscious of its interests, the capitalist class continues to lead the class struggle. Their class is better than ever. Certainly we will not, like the economist Thomas Piketty, offend the danger of rising inequalities for the survival of capitalism. But beyond the direct consequences of inequalities, which are tragic for those who suffer from them, unemployment and casualization affect social mobilization and how we intervene.

Semi-social, half-reactionary revolts

The proletariat as well as certain sections of the petty bourgeoisie who fear the pauperization are increasingly angry at this situation. This anger, which rises from peri-urban and rural areas in full slump, is ambivalent. It engenders both class reactions and reactionary reflexes.

On the one hand, social mobilisations continue against collective redundancies and the demolition of the last protective bars for workers: public services, social security, the Labor Code.

On the other hand, despair rises with a xenophobic, religious, conservative withdrawal, demanding a return to a mythical past of a moral and authoritarian order.

These are two different dynamics, but sometimes they can be combined. It is from their combination that a neo-fascism can arise. What characterizes fascism is indeed to have a pseudo-social dimension, which can enable it to mobilize the popular classes in a revolt deviated against scapegoats. But the program of the FN remains anti-social: questioning the 35 hours, increasing the Smic trompe l'oeil to the detriment of social contributions, tax advantageous for large fortunes etc.

In 2016, two major events were the result of a semi-social, half-reactionary revolt:

In Britain, the victory of the Brexit in the referendum resulted both from a xenophobic outbreak and a class revolt, opposing the industrial regions affected to the richest and most cosmopolitan metropolises.
In the United States, Donald Trump has freed the sexist, racist and reactionary speech, but without widening the electoral base of the Republican Party. He was able to win only with the collapse of the Democratic Party, whose discriminated minorities and the working class turned away because of its betrayed promises.
Liberals' leap forward, old recipes of neoreformism

The right-wing (LR, Modem) and Left (PS, EELV) parties, endorsing the neo-liberal ideology, sometimes organically linked to employers' circles and high finance, are unable to understand this situation.

They will continue to flee further towards deregulation, lower collective guarantees, breakdown of public services, disastrous ecological, social and democratic free trade agreements.

On the left, this suicidal leap forward nevertheless provokes acts of rebellion, with attempts to invent a neo-social democracy. We saw it with Die Linke (Germany), Left Front (France), Podemos (Spain), Syriza (Greece), Bernie Sanders breakthrough at the Democratic Party (USA) Of Jeremy Corbyn at the head of the Labor Party (Great Britain). These attempts to recreate a " true reformism " are however obeyed by the absence of an alternative strategy to the reformism of yesteryear: it is always a question of proposing a social management of capitalism, a model that historically has systematically failed.

The PS, incapable of differentiating itself from the right on the economic program, strives to appear more progressive in terms of values, with an inclusive discourse vis-à-vis racialized, LGBT minorities, women ... But, in Apart from a few symbolic measures - the opening up of the right to marry for all, for example, or the prohibition of the purchase of a sexual act - his virtuous speeches remain abstract and without any bearing on the reality of the Discrimination on a daily basis - discrimination in housing, work, facial control, stigmatization of the Muslim minority ...

Under the presidency of Francois Hollande, the PS will have attacked the proletariat head-on by conducting an antisocial policy - austerity, Macron law, El Khomri law - without at least achieving an image of commitment against discrimination.

Towards an authoritarian regime ?

The political and social landscape of recent years has been profoundly marked by the attacks in France. An alternative libertarian, beyond the sideration provoked by these tragedies, attempted to provide rational explanations to overcome feelings of anger and fear. Thus, we have seen the coalition of two phenomena long denounced:

They are the result of destructive western policies at the geopolitical level, which have favored the rise of international jihadism ;
They are also the result of socially destructive policies within the dominant states, the crisis deepening social inequalities and a lack of perspectives that have fueled religious extremism in a small part of the population.
These events had significant consequences by deepening the phenomenon of the rise of the extreme right, the authoritarian practices of the State and the rejection of migrants. The banalization of the repression and repression of social movements are the immediate consequences. Moreover, they have been the source of vigorous debates within struggle organizations and far-left political organizations, but also more generally in society.

Much of the politicians will continue to manipulate and thereby generate the fear of the attacks in the years to come. This must be taken into account in our strategies.

Social decay, decommissioning, deindustrialisation, popular districts wrecked, disaster areas ... These are the ingredients of a social revolt.

Accumulation of defeats for the social movement, racist attacks on Roma and Muslims, a speech of sovereignist withdrawal on a " national capitalism " ... There are elements of a deviation from this social revolt towards scapegoats and False solutions.

Empowerment and impunity of the police forces, a state of emergency ad æternam, reduction of democratic freedoms and safeguards, strengthening of social control and state supervision ... There is the means of a possible authoritarian regime, fascistic.

The PS accelerated the establishment of an authoritarian state, either with the Thatcher-Catholic dress of François Fillon, or with the reactionary nationalist dress of Marine Le Pen.

In both cases, social movements and revolutionary organizations must expect a tightening of repression and destabilization. Italy of the years of lead, France of the Algerian war, Russia of Putin, Turkey of Erdogan ... To varying degrees, there are not lacking in historical situations in which discredited states use force to annihilate the protest.

It is up to us to anticipate and adapt our modes of action so as not to be surprised. For it is out of the question to self-censor.

Whether right-wing, right-wing, social-democratic or neo-social-democrat, all parties that aspire to the role of " good managers " of capitalism will inevitably be led to perpetuate the policy of fiscal austerity. As crises are inherent in the capitalist structures, they will continue to break public services and press people to settle the abyssal debt generated by the " bank rescue " in 2008.

Social anger is not about to be extinguished. It is up to us to guide it, through debates and practices, against the real leaders, and towards the questioning of an economic system that leads to the ruin of society and the planet.


2. Fight the next government, anticipate its objectives and find breaches

The victory of Macron will not mark a major break with François Hollande. Its policy will follow its line, which was already that of Nicolas Sarkozy, and which will consist of dismantling social rights to increase the capitalist profits.

Hot spots

A number of issues may be government targets. Some open the possibility of collective responses and the opening of political gaps in the dominant ideology.

On the social front, attacks on labor law will probably be an important battleground for the coming years. Firstly, the application of the Labor law, which is undertaken on a company by company basis, will give rise to sectoral struggles which will have to be dealt with through trade union work on the ground. To this may be added the risk of a questioning of the 35 hours, which could provoke a social movement of magnitude. There is also the question of the federation of trade unionism, the initiative "On blocking everything", being a milestone in this direction, whose effectiveness has remained much less than needs.

Given the realities of power relations and the need to reinvigorate the trade union movement through a motivating, ambitious project that goes beyond today's organizations without denying them, questions of the unity and unification of struggle syndicalism must be Discussed ; Modest milestones have already been laid, it is necessary to go further.

This will only be possible by taking into account the specific rhythms of each union group and respecting the autonomy of the trade union movement ; But it also presupposes that revolutionary trade union activists promote this implementation.

The organization of the precarious, as difficult as it is, remains an important stake (see text of the congress of AL 2012). In the years to come, new attacks against unemployment insurance, the Labor Code, reductions in social benefits and the extension of precariousness can be imagined. Finally, profound changes in wage labor, such as the uberization or the multiplication of the use of part-time work, confront the new generations arriving in the world of work with more difficult working conditions. The modes of organization of these workers are often referred to as " new forms of struggle ", although it is often a return to collective practices of direct action, Where there is often no trade union tradition or " social dialogue " capable of domesticating potential trade unions. There is therefore a challenge for class unionism to invest these new sectors of the proletariat. At the LA level, the Committees on Business and Precariousness and Direct Solidarity have a vocation to analyze and intervene in this field.

Periods of economic crisis often go hand in hand with a strengthening of " moral values ", and thus patriarchy. The reactionary and patriarchal offensive of the Manif pour tous is to be understood in this sense. Antifeminist attacks become commonplace. The next few years are likely to be rich in new offensives: against what the reps call " gender theory " in textbooks, against the closure of abortion centers, reduction of subsidies to family planning, or even questioning of certain rights Such as access to various contraceptive methods, the use of abortion, as in Poland and Spain.

France, like the rest of Europe, is experiencing a racist wave that takes several forms:

From the point of view of the attacks of the State: police violence, racist and Islamophobic laws against the wearing of the veil and religious symbols, anti-burkini arrested ridicules, to which must be added discrimination in social housing and migration policies. ..
Employers are also involved in discrimination in the hiring or exploitation of undocumented workers.
Finally, the extreme right is a very powerful vector of racist ideas and practices as we have seen with the mobilizations against the reception of migrants. The intervention of AL on this issue must jointly mobilize the anti-fascist and anti-racist commissions.
On the side of security policies, fronts of struggle were opened. To cite just a few examples of anti-repression collective: Collective defense (Defcol) in Rennes and Paris, the CAJ in Toulouse, the GA against the state of emergency and violence (Montpellier), as well as the numerous local, trade union or political solidarity funds (including the one created by AL) created during the fight against the Labor Act. Unfortunately, these initiatives struggle to meet an echo beyond militant circles.

Faced with the far right, fascist or not, in power or not, the question of forming an anti-fascist movement of mass and popular remains. A movement that does not belong to "humanist" anti-fascism , without a political compass and complacent with the Socialist Party, nor of an anti-fascism that revels in a sometimes folkloric and virilist counterculture. At the national level, initiatives such as VISA or the Libertarian Antifascist Campaign (CLAF) seek to follow this logic. But it must be noted that the extreme right has become commonplace and that it is difficult to carry out massive mobilization against it (evidenced by the failure of the demonstration against the FN congress in Lyon in November 2014) . Recall that the best revenue to push back the extreme right,

Political practices, practices in struggles

The proletariat evolves, the social movement evolves, its activity evolves. In order to act consistently within it, it is necessary for AL to defend certain orientations and practices.

On the unitary policy of AL

In social debates, in political and social struggles, AL sometimes associates with other political forces in unitary frameworks.

According to the subjects, the relevance of the political perimeter may vary. This may have been strictly libertarian (anti-fascist libertarian campaign, collective Anarchists solidarity of Rojava), or self-management (fairs to self-management), or anti-capitalist (Forum of radical ecology, local anticapitalist fronts) State of emergency, take the initiative again).

Within each of these frameworks, AL defends its positions as far as maintaining the unitary framework allows.

The usefulness of a unitary framework is, in fact, less in the perfection of the collective positions it can produce than in the dynamic of collective action which it can encourage. But it is important that the expression of AL does not depend on the unitary framework, knows how to preserve its originality and its critical distance.

On the content of the claims

AL has never opposed " reformist struggles " and " revolutionary struggles, " considering that the important thing was social conflict in itself, as a ferment of class consciousness, and as vital to any revolutionary project.

In the struggle movements, AL must have united demands that could beat the possible idea of compromise with the employers (for example " neither amendable nor negotiable: withdrawal of the El Khomri law "). But we must also raise beyond this the slogans that call into question the capitalist order and / or the dominant ideology.

For example:

The demands which make the right to housing prevail over private property (" requisitioning empty dwellings ", " requisitioning / self-management of profitable businesses that dismiss ") ;
Those which make workers' power prevail over employer arbitrariness (" right of veto on collective redundancies ", " blocking of dividends of shareholders of dismissing enterprises ") ;
Those that contradict the idea that unemployment is the fault of the unemployed and the unemployed, that the "growth" arlésienne will create jobs, and that we must work " more to earn more " (" reduction of working time without Wage reduction, with corresponding hirings "," retirement at age 60, without reduction of pensions, with corresponding hirings ") ;
Those which respond to a social emergency while rejecting the myth of the migratory invasion (" freedom of movement and the establishment of workers ") ;
Those which raise equal treatment as a prerequisite for any debate (" equal pay and women-men ", " marriage for all or for nobody ", " right to vote for immigrants ").
It does not matter whether certain claims are compatible or not with capitalism at the present stage, as long as they are legitimate from a revolutionary point of view and they meet an echo. Some are "transitive" claims in the sense that they underline the illegitimacy of the current regime and bridges the gap to the society of tomorrow.

On the construction, enlargement and self-organization of struggles

When a large-scale social movement occurs, such as in 1995, 2003, 2006, 2010 or 2016, AL must " walk on both legs ", synergizing its militant activists in struggles and strikes, and spreading The broadest of its own revolutionary expression.

Today there is a real decline in combative trade union practices in companies, and this observation applies more widely to all social movements. How many activists have direct links with employees, whether in trade union or political form, with talks, discussions, tours, information hours, petitions and so on. Able to contest day by day the political orientations of the employers and the parties of government ? It is this anchoring of the field which is sorely lacking when it comes to stimulating or widening struggles, as in 2010 against the Fillon reform or in 2016 against the Labor law, and to leave the inter- Itself. Perhaps in the 1970s it was enough to be a sting left of reformist organizations that built the mobilizations.

AL also wishes to encourage the emergence of convergence assemblies, insofar as they are a lever to multiply the participation and even extend the struggle to previously hesitant sectors. They also make it possible to organize the struggle on the scale of our cities, which makes it possible not to be dependent on intersyndicals sometimes chilly to launch massive actions.

However, we must be aware that the scope of this type of assembly depends closely on the depth of the social movement in progress. At the start of a mobilization or when mobilization is difficult to widen, these assemblies can bring together individuals, trade unions and politicians to allow speeches and collective decisions to support strikers, Blocking actions.

In the case of a large-scale social movement, these assemblies can take the form of genuine inter-professional GAs with mandated representatives from each sector or large company in conflict. It is towards this pattern that the activists of AL will push.

It is rare, however, that we get there. In 2010 and 2016, many local assemblies gathered together organizations and individuals. The " Standing Night " assemblies of 2016, in spite of all the limits that have been seen in some cases (a certain disconnection with social struggle, substitution for the strike ...) have sometimes been experiences of direct democracy. They have allowed the development of self-management ideas in people who are usually not touched.

On economic blockages

The emblematic support action of 2010 and 2016 was the economic blockade.

It would be wrong to make it the new form of struggle adapted to the time. The blockage, from the outside, is mainly the consequence of strikes too weak to block production themselves, from the inside. And that is the crux of the problem.

However, if it is well conducted, in conjunction with the unions and employees of the blocked site - and this is the way activists and activists of AL - will act, Convergence, dynamics, and even encourage the disengagement of wage-earners.es hesitant.es.

On violence in social movements

From the intervention of the GIGN against the strikers of the sorting center of Bègles in 2005 to the death of Rémi Fraisse in 2015, police repression has, in recent years, contributed to raise the level of violence around the social movements. The movement against the Labor Act in 2016 has further illustrated this.

As for the violence assumed by some of the demonstrators, notably around the practice of organized rape (broken shop window, police stalling), one can regret its often ritualized character and sometimes unrelated to the level of radicality of the mass Of the protesters.

We refuse the injunction of the power and the media to dissociate the " peaceful demonstrators " and the " evil breakers ". Injunction which aims only to domesticate social movements and to aggravate repression by associating a part of the social movement itself.

In all cases, AL supports and participates in the collective self-defense of social movements, whether it be physical self-protection in street demonstrations or legal and financial mutual assistance in the face of repression.


3. Libertarian alternative in action

Neither angelicism nor paranoia: to prepare materially and morally for the hardening of security

The state of emergency decreed in France since November 13, 2015 is extended for the fifth time and is currently running until July 15, 2017. It serves as a pretext for all security drifts and increases repression, Including social movements. For example, it was used to prohibit the demonstration against Cop 21 of 29 November 2015 ; It was again used to house activists ; It allows for administrative searches without a warrant of the prosecutor, etc. Security policies and repression thus become the only response of the State to the revolts and anger of the proletariat. The development of extreme right-wing movements and ideas that we have been witnessing over the last few years also goes in this direction. The security, surveillance,

All this suggests a drift towards an increasingly authoritarian state, all the more so when one considers access to the power of the extreme right. It is, therefore, for every revolutionary organization to prepare and anticipate the increasingly important restrictions of our civil liberties and our margin for maneuver. It is also a matter of anticipating the repression that has already begun to strike us as well as others: AL militants have had to face fines and even imprisonment for their political activities or Trade unions during the movement against labor law.

In a safe environment cure or even authoritarian drift of the regime, with the electronic surveillance of the XXI th century, some sections of the social or revolutionary movement can fall prey to the temptation of hiding. It would be a lure.

We must insist on this point: clandestinity is an option only when repression prohibits any organization and any expression. The choice of clandestinity, prematurely made by the Libertarian Communist Federation in July 1956, in the context of the Algerian war, will remain a historical error of our current. Once underground, a political current can no longer be heard, it isolates itself from the population and the social movement, can no longer be renewed, rapidly depletes its financial and human resources, and eventually disappears into general indifference. As long as a space of expression and action remains, it must be occupied to the maximum. However, Alternative libertarian is not angelic: aware that activists may find themselves particularly exposed,

Remote communications (telephony, Internet) are intercepted by intelligence services or by pirates serving capitalist companies or fascist groups. Faced with this, the best parade remains to silence any potentially illegal information on these channels. However, this elementary protection principle should be promoted, but systematic communication encryption should be encouraged for several reasons:

What is legal today will not necessarily be tomorrow ;
The more democratic the encryption, the more complicated the surveillance of the masses ;
From the point of view of the defense of civil liberties, it is useless for the state to have easy access to our communications, whether legal or not.
Extra-legal action, which is indispensable to any political or social movement based on the direct action of workers, must take other channels than clandestinity. And the philosophy that guides it must adapt to the repressive context of the moment. On this point, local AL groups will therefore be keen to:

Not to isolate oneself, to remain in trade unions and other mass social movements ;
Enter into a contract of confidence with one or more left-wing lawyers who are prepared to co-organize a " political defense " before a court if necessary ;
Reinforce the security of extra-legal actions by ensuring that they can be mediated, make sense for a sufficiently wide audience, be assumed by significant fractions of the social movement, thus meeting a political echo and benefiting from solidarity.
The intervention of AL: a voluntarism without blindness

The experience of the anti-capitalist fronts

The context of current security tightening must lead the revolutionaries to stick together. However, the strategy of the anti-capitalist fronts, carried by AL since 2007, has run out. It has been local and punctual - thanks to the involvement of local groups such as the NPA, the FA or the OCML-VP - but has not been able to Untied individuals, nor lead to a national framework.

This strategy must therefore evolve, while integrating the positive achievements of experience, including increased trust between organizations. If the anticapitalist front can not be a permanent framework, it can take more flexible forms (common expressions, joint meetings), adapted to each situation, at local and national level.

Lessons from the Labor Movement

The movement against the Labor Act, which has set in motion millions of employees, particularly in the private sector, revealed the lack of implantation of anti-capitalist organizations, especially in the strategic sectors. How many revolutionaries among the truckers, dockers, cleaners, refiners who blocked the country ? Too few.

This observation must lead us to find the appropriate forms to address us in a differentiated way to two audiences that we encounter in local or national struggles.

On the one hand the militant public, whether or not it is acquired by revolutionary ideas. This public seeks answers, deciphering the relations of forces, the bureaucratic stakes, the political objectives and we must provide our analyzes. ;
On the other hand, the popular mass mobilized at a given moment, who seeks clear slogans to pursue, expand and win the movement.
Taking into account the proletariat of today in its diversity, with its lack of ideological landmarks, very variable levels of education ... we must find the forms that resonate with their anger, propose concrete objectives To the struggle, democratic modes of self-organization but also to provide a libertarian communist light as a perspective by adapting our discourse to each population.

Search for location at production sites

It is not through workers' romanticism that anti-capitalists must seek to be heard at the places of production and exchange. Alternative libertarian does not believe in a change of society through citizen mobilization, progressive, through elections and / or through local resistance. Nor do we believe in the taking of power by an enlightened minority. We are aiming for a reversal of the capitalist order by mass mobilization, based on the direct action of the workers, that is to say, the general expropriatory strike. From our point of view, a revolutionary and libertarian political strategy requires an implantation in the workplace.

On the one hand, it is because they concentrate a large share of employees. These workers whose rising resentment can be translated into collective struggles, but also by reactionary reflexes if only the extreme right speaks to them.

On the other hand, it is because they are the main places of class confrontation. And that the class consciousness and the confidence acquired in the collective struggles will depend, tomorrow, on their resumption in hand and the construction of a self-managing socialism.

Establishment in production, transport or large enterprises is of particular importance since these boxes are the most likely to play a major role in social conflicts. However, the majority of employees do not work in such companies, and we do not want to stop them from organizing them in the workplace.

To intervene in the direction of the companies, to make contacts, it is always possible to interview strikers, to pull in front of boxes, but the CAL can also rely on the existing tools - professional blogs Franchise postal, Rail unchained, Class Buissonnière try to adapt the practice of the " bulletin box " in the digital age. Links, however, are created all the more easily because they are based on concrete mutual assistance. From this point of view, local unions and labor exchanges are often under-invested by revolutionary militants.

Think Differently to Change Scale

But to implant itself more widely in the proletariat, it also means to reflect on the collective functioning that one gives oneself. Twenty-five years after his birth, AL is still based on the model of the extreme left-wing group active on all sides, with internal debates sometimes sophisticated. This can be excluded for employees who do not have the time, or not the right cultural capital.

It is true that there is no magic recipe for fighting these heavy trends which affect all organizations of the left and extreme left and are primarily concerned with the tertiarization of the proletariat for forty years. But again, we must ask ourselves rather than give up. For several months now, some CALs (Orléans, Nantes) have been experimenting with a way of working that is more inclusive.

The AL Federation will gladly collect the lessons. This will help to put its expression (newspaper, web) and its internal functioning in tune with the logic required by the reflection on the " change of scale " initiated at the AL 2015 Congress.


[1] Statistics Pôle Emploi of April 2017.

[2] " Half of the unemployed receive less than € 500 a month ", Observatoire des inégalités, 30 January 2015.

[3] " The disproportionate revenues of the big bosses and the leading cadres ", Observatory of inequalities, March 30, 2016.

[4] " Patrimony: inequalities multiplied ", Observatory of inequalities, 15 November 2016.

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Motion-d-orientation-generale-7380
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