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(en) France, Alternative Libertaire AL - 13 th Congress (Nantes, 3-5 June 2017) -- General Orientation Motion (fr, it, pt) [machine translation]
Sun, 11 Jun 2017 10:15:12 +0300
Summary: ---- From social regression to the "conservative revolution" ? ---- Worsening of
inequalities, rising capitalist profits and social breakdown ---- Semi-social,
half-reactionary revolts ---- Liberals' leap forward, old recipes of neoreformism ----
Towards an authoritarian regime ? ---- Fighting the next government, anticipating its
objectives and finding breaches ---- Hot spots ---- Political practices, practices in
struggles ---- Alternative libertarian in action ---- Neither angelicism nor paranoia: to
prepare materially and morally for the hardening of security ---- The intervention of AL:
a voluntarism without blindness ---- 1. From social regression to the "conservative
revolution" ? ---- Worsening of inequalities, rising capitalist profits and social
breakdown ---- In France as in the rest of the world, inequalities continue to widen.
On the one hand, the multiplication of precarious contracts, mostly occupied by young and
low-skilled people. In the second quarter of 2016, 87 % of hirings were fixed-term
contracts, 70 % of which were for less than one month. The unemployment rate is close to
10 %, or 5.8 million people . One third does not receive any compensation, half less
than 500 euros ... .
On the other hand, the rich are always richer. In 2014, the annual income of a large boss
represents 600 to 1,120 years of Smic . Wealth inequalities are even stronger than
income inequalities. The richest 50% hold 8 % of the wealth, compared to half for the
richest 10% . In 2014, France reached a new record in the number of billionaires: 67.
The total amount of the first 500 French professional heritages increased by 15% in one
year, reaching 390 billion euros. More than the state budget !
The socialist government, as a good servant of the capitalist bourgeoisie, pursued all-out
social caste and gifts to employers. With the National Interprofessional Agreement
legalizing blackmail in employment, the Rebsamen law attacking union representation, the
Macron law trivializing Sunday work and diminishing the rights of dismissed workers.
Finally, the passing of the Labor Act to article 49-3, opening a considerable breach in
the protection of employees with the reversal of the hierarchy of norms in the labor law.
The tax credit for the competitiveness of employment and the " pact of responsibility "
brought billions to the bosses without any hiring at the key, while all the public
services are imposed more and more austerity measures and privatizations.
As a class conscious of its interests, the capitalist class continues to lead the class
struggle. Their class is better than ever. Certainly we will not, like the economist
Thomas Piketty, offend the danger of rising inequalities for the survival of capitalism.
But beyond the direct consequences of inequalities, which are tragic for those who suffer
from them, unemployment and casualization affect social mobilization and how we intervene.
Semi-social, half-reactionary revolts
The proletariat as well as certain sections of the petty bourgeoisie who fear the
pauperization are increasingly angry at this situation. This anger, which rises from
peri-urban and rural areas in full slump, is ambivalent. It engenders both class reactions
and reactionary reflexes.
On the one hand, social mobilisations continue against collective redundancies and the
demolition of the last protective bars for workers: public services, social security, the
On the other hand, despair rises with a xenophobic, religious, conservative withdrawal,
demanding a return to a mythical past of a moral and authoritarian order.
These are two different dynamics, but sometimes they can be combined. It is from their
combination that a neo-fascism can arise. What characterizes fascism is indeed to have a
pseudo-social dimension, which can enable it to mobilize the popular classes in a revolt
deviated against scapegoats. But the program of the FN remains anti-social: questioning
the 35 hours, increasing the Smic trompe l'oeil to the detriment of social contributions,
tax advantageous for large fortunes etc.
In 2016, two major events were the result of a semi-social, half-reactionary revolt:
In Britain, the victory of the Brexit in the referendum resulted both from a xenophobic
outbreak and a class revolt, opposing the industrial regions affected to the richest and
most cosmopolitan metropolises.
In the United States, Donald Trump has freed the sexist, racist and reactionary speech,
but without widening the electoral base of the Republican Party. He was able to win only
with the collapse of the Democratic Party, whose discriminated minorities and the working
class turned away because of its betrayed promises.
Liberals' leap forward, old recipes of neoreformism
The right-wing (LR, Modem) and Left (PS, EELV) parties, endorsing the neo-liberal
ideology, sometimes organically linked to employers' circles and high finance, are unable
to understand this situation.
They will continue to flee further towards deregulation, lower collective guarantees,
breakdown of public services, disastrous ecological, social and democratic free trade
On the left, this suicidal leap forward nevertheless provokes acts of rebellion, with
attempts to invent a neo-social democracy. We saw it with Die Linke (Germany), Left Front
(France), Podemos (Spain), Syriza (Greece), Bernie Sanders breakthrough at the Democratic
Party (USA) Of Jeremy Corbyn at the head of the Labor Party (Great Britain). These
attempts to recreate a " true reformism " are however obeyed by the absence of an
alternative strategy to the reformism of yesteryear: it is always a question of proposing
a social management of capitalism, a model that historically has systematically failed.
The PS, incapable of differentiating itself from the right on the economic program,
strives to appear more progressive in terms of values, with an inclusive discourse
vis-à-vis racialized, LGBT minorities, women ... But, in Apart from a few symbolic
measures - the opening up of the right to marry for all, for example, or the prohibition
of the purchase of a sexual act - his virtuous speeches remain abstract and without any
bearing on the reality of the Discrimination on a daily basis - discrimination in housing,
work, facial control, stigmatization of the Muslim minority ...
Under the presidency of Francois Hollande, the PS will have attacked the proletariat
head-on by conducting an antisocial policy - austerity, Macron law, El Khomri law -
without at least achieving an image of commitment against discrimination.
Towards an authoritarian regime ?
The political and social landscape of recent years has been profoundly marked by the
attacks in France. An alternative libertarian, beyond the sideration provoked by these
tragedies, attempted to provide rational explanations to overcome feelings of anger and
fear. Thus, we have seen the coalition of two phenomena long denounced:
They are the result of destructive western policies at the geopolitical level, which have
favored the rise of international jihadism ;
They are also the result of socially destructive policies within the dominant states, the
crisis deepening social inequalities and a lack of perspectives that have fueled religious
extremism in a small part of the population.
These events had significant consequences by deepening the phenomenon of the rise of the
extreme right, the authoritarian practices of the State and the rejection of migrants. The
banalization of the repression and repression of social movements are the immediate
consequences. Moreover, they have been the source of vigorous debates within struggle
organizations and far-left political organizations, but also more generally in society.
Much of the politicians will continue to manipulate and thereby generate the fear of the
attacks in the years to come. This must be taken into account in our strategies.
Social decay, decommissioning, deindustrialisation, popular districts wrecked, disaster
areas ... These are the ingredients of a social revolt.
Accumulation of defeats for the social movement, racist attacks on Roma and Muslims, a
speech of sovereignist withdrawal on a " national capitalism " ... There are elements of
a deviation from this social revolt towards scapegoats and False solutions.
Empowerment and impunity of the police forces, a state of emergency ad æternam, reduction
of democratic freedoms and safeguards, strengthening of social control and state
supervision ... There is the means of a possible authoritarian regime, fascistic.
The PS accelerated the establishment of an authoritarian state, either with the
Thatcher-Catholic dress of François Fillon, or with the reactionary nationalist dress of
Marine Le Pen.
In both cases, social movements and revolutionary organizations must expect a tightening
of repression and destabilization. Italy of the years of lead, France of the Algerian war,
Russia of Putin, Turkey of Erdogan ... To varying degrees, there are not lacking in
historical situations in which discredited states use force to annihilate the protest.
It is up to us to anticipate and adapt our modes of action so as not to be surprised. For
it is out of the question to self-censor.
Whether right-wing, right-wing, social-democratic or neo-social-democrat, all parties that
aspire to the role of " good managers " of capitalism will inevitably be led to
perpetuate the policy of fiscal austerity. As crises are inherent in the capitalist
structures, they will continue to break public services and press people to settle the
abyssal debt generated by the " bank rescue " in 2008.
Social anger is not about to be extinguished. It is up to us to guide it, through debates
and practices, against the real leaders, and towards the questioning of an economic system
that leads to the ruin of society and the planet.
2. Fight the next government, anticipate its objectives and find breaches
The victory of Macron will not mark a major break with François Hollande. Its policy will
follow its line, which was already that of Nicolas Sarkozy, and which will consist of
dismantling social rights to increase the capitalist profits.
A number of issues may be government targets. Some open the possibility of collective
responses and the opening of political gaps in the dominant ideology.
On the social front, attacks on labor law will probably be an important battleground for
the coming years. Firstly, the application of the Labor law, which is undertaken on a
company by company basis, will give rise to sectoral struggles which will have to be dealt
with through trade union work on the ground. To this may be added the risk of a
questioning of the 35 hours, which could provoke a social movement of magnitude. There is
also the question of the federation of trade unionism, the initiative "On blocking
everything", being a milestone in this direction, whose effectiveness has remained much
less than needs.
Given the realities of power relations and the need to reinvigorate the trade union
movement through a motivating, ambitious project that goes beyond today's organizations
without denying them, questions of the unity and unification of struggle syndicalism must
be Discussed ; Modest milestones have already been laid, it is necessary to go further.
This will only be possible by taking into account the specific rhythms of each union group
and respecting the autonomy of the trade union movement ; But it also presupposes that
revolutionary trade union activists promote this implementation.
The organization of the precarious, as difficult as it is, remains an important stake (see
text of the congress of AL 2012). In the years to come, new attacks against unemployment
insurance, the Labor Code, reductions in social benefits and the extension of
precariousness can be imagined. Finally, profound changes in wage labor, such as the
uberization or the multiplication of the use of part-time work, confront the new
generations arriving in the world of work with more difficult working conditions. The
modes of organization of these workers are often referred to as " new forms of struggle
", although it is often a return to collective practices of direct action, Where there is
often no trade union tradition or " social dialogue " capable of domesticating potential
trade unions. There is therefore a challenge for class unionism to invest these new
sectors of the proletariat. At the LA level, the Committees on Business and Precariousness
and Direct Solidarity have a vocation to analyze and intervene in this field.
Periods of economic crisis often go hand in hand with a strengthening of " moral values
", and thus patriarchy. The reactionary and patriarchal offensive of the Manif pour tous
is to be understood in this sense. Antifeminist attacks become commonplace. The next few
years are likely to be rich in new offensives: against what the reps call " gender theory
" in textbooks, against the closure of abortion centers, reduction of subsidies to
family planning, or even questioning of certain rights Such as access to various
contraceptive methods, the use of abortion, as in Poland and Spain.
France, like the rest of Europe, is experiencing a racist wave that takes several forms:
From the point of view of the attacks of the State: police violence, racist and
Islamophobic laws against the wearing of the veil and religious symbols, anti-burkini
arrested ridicules, to which must be added discrimination in social housing and migration
Employers are also involved in discrimination in the hiring or exploitation of
Finally, the extreme right is a very powerful vector of racist ideas and practices as we
have seen with the mobilizations against the reception of migrants. The intervention of AL
on this issue must jointly mobilize the anti-fascist and anti-racist commissions.
On the side of security policies, fronts of struggle were opened. To cite just a few
examples of anti-repression collective: Collective defense (Defcol) in Rennes and Paris,
the CAJ in Toulouse, the GA against the state of emergency and violence (Montpellier), as
well as the numerous local, trade union or political solidarity funds (including the one
created by AL) created during the fight against the Labor Act. Unfortunately, these
initiatives struggle to meet an echo beyond militant circles.
Faced with the far right, fascist or not, in power or not, the question of forming an
anti-fascist movement of mass and popular remains. A movement that does not belong to
"humanist" anti-fascism , without a political compass and complacent with the Socialist
Party, nor of an anti-fascism that revels in a sometimes folkloric and virilist
counterculture. At the national level, initiatives such as VISA or the Libertarian
Antifascist Campaign (CLAF) seek to follow this logic. But it must be noted that the
extreme right has become commonplace and that it is difficult to carry out massive
mobilization against it (evidenced by the failure of the demonstration against the FN
congress in Lyon in November 2014) . Recall that the best revenue to push back the extreme
Political practices, practices in struggles
The proletariat evolves, the social movement evolves, its activity evolves. In order to
act consistently within it, it is necessary for AL to defend certain orientations and
On the unitary policy of AL
In social debates, in political and social struggles, AL sometimes associates with other
political forces in unitary frameworks.
According to the subjects, the relevance of the political perimeter may vary. This may
have been strictly libertarian (anti-fascist libertarian campaign, collective Anarchists
solidarity of Rojava), or self-management (fairs to self-management), or anti-capitalist
(Forum of radical ecology, local anticapitalist fronts) State of emergency, take the
Within each of these frameworks, AL defends its positions as far as maintaining the
unitary framework allows.
The usefulness of a unitary framework is, in fact, less in the perfection of the
collective positions it can produce than in the dynamic of collective action which it can
encourage. But it is important that the expression of AL does not depend on the unitary
framework, knows how to preserve its originality and its critical distance.
On the content of the claims
AL has never opposed " reformist struggles " and " revolutionary struggles, "
considering that the important thing was social conflict in itself, as a ferment of class
consciousness, and as vital to any revolutionary project.
In the struggle movements, AL must have united demands that could beat the possible idea
of compromise with the employers (for example " neither amendable nor negotiable:
withdrawal of the El Khomri law "). But we must also raise beyond this the slogans that
call into question the capitalist order and / or the dominant ideology.
The demands which make the right to housing prevail over private property ("
requisitioning empty dwellings ", " requisitioning / self-management of profitable
businesses that dismiss ") ;
Those which make workers' power prevail over employer arbitrariness (" right of veto on
collective redundancies ", " blocking of dividends of shareholders of dismissing
enterprises ") ;
Those that contradict the idea that unemployment is the fault of the unemployed and the
unemployed, that the "growth" arlésienne will create jobs, and that we must work " more
to earn more " (" reduction of working time without Wage reduction, with corresponding
hirings "," retirement at age 60, without reduction of pensions, with corresponding
hirings ") ;
Those which respond to a social emergency while rejecting the myth of the migratory
invasion (" freedom of movement and the establishment of workers ") ;
Those which raise equal treatment as a prerequisite for any debate (" equal pay and
women-men ", " marriage for all or for nobody ", " right to vote for immigrants ").
It does not matter whether certain claims are compatible or not with capitalism at the
present stage, as long as they are legitimate from a revolutionary point of view and they
meet an echo. Some are "transitive" claims in the sense that they underline the
illegitimacy of the current regime and bridges the gap to the society of tomorrow.
On the construction, enlargement and self-organization of struggles
When a large-scale social movement occurs, such as in 1995, 2003, 2006, 2010 or 2016, AL
must " walk on both legs ", synergizing its militant activists in struggles and strikes,
and spreading The broadest of its own revolutionary expression.
Today there is a real decline in combative trade union practices in companies, and this
observation applies more widely to all social movements. How many activists have direct
links with employees, whether in trade union or political form, with talks, discussions,
tours, information hours, petitions and so on. Able to contest day by day the political
orientations of the employers and the parties of government ? It is this anchoring of the
field which is sorely lacking when it comes to stimulating or widening struggles, as in
2010 against the Fillon reform or in 2016 against the Labor law, and to leave the inter-
Itself. Perhaps in the 1970s it was enough to be a sting left of reformist organizations
that built the mobilizations.
AL also wishes to encourage the emergence of convergence assemblies, insofar as they are a
lever to multiply the participation and even extend the struggle to previously hesitant
sectors. They also make it possible to organize the struggle on the scale of our cities,
which makes it possible not to be dependent on intersyndicals sometimes chilly to launch
However, we must be aware that the scope of this type of assembly depends closely on the
depth of the social movement in progress. At the start of a mobilization or when
mobilization is difficult to widen, these assemblies can bring together individuals, trade
unions and politicians to allow speeches and collective decisions to support strikers,
In the case of a large-scale social movement, these assemblies can take the form of
genuine inter-professional GAs with mandated representatives from each sector or large
company in conflict. It is towards this pattern that the activists of AL will push.
It is rare, however, that we get there. In 2010 and 2016, many local assemblies gathered
together organizations and individuals. The " Standing Night " assemblies of 2016, in
spite of all the limits that have been seen in some cases (a certain disconnection with
social struggle, substitution for the strike ...) have sometimes been experiences of
direct democracy. They have allowed the development of self-management ideas in people who
are usually not touched.
On economic blockages
The emblematic support action of 2010 and 2016 was the economic blockade.
It would be wrong to make it the new form of struggle adapted to the time. The blockage,
from the outside, is mainly the consequence of strikes too weak to block production
themselves, from the inside. And that is the crux of the problem.
However, if it is well conducted, in conjunction with the unions and employees of the
blocked site - and this is the way activists and activists of AL - will act, Convergence,
dynamics, and even encourage the disengagement of wage-earners.es hesitant.es.
On violence in social movements
From the intervention of the GIGN against the strikers of the sorting center of Bègles in
2005 to the death of Rémi Fraisse in 2015, police repression has, in recent years,
contributed to raise the level of violence around the social movements. The movement
against the Labor Act in 2016 has further illustrated this.
As for the violence assumed by some of the demonstrators, notably around the practice of
organized rape (broken shop window, police stalling), one can regret its often ritualized
character and sometimes unrelated to the level of radicality of the mass Of the protesters.
We refuse the injunction of the power and the media to dissociate the " peaceful
demonstrators " and the " evil breakers ". Injunction which aims only to domesticate
social movements and to aggravate repression by associating a part of the social movement
In all cases, AL supports and participates in the collective self-defense of social
movements, whether it be physical self-protection in street demonstrations or legal and
financial mutual assistance in the face of repression.
3. Libertarian alternative in action
Neither angelicism nor paranoia: to prepare materially and morally for the hardening of
The state of emergency decreed in France since November 13, 2015 is extended for the fifth
time and is currently running until July 15, 2017. It serves as a pretext for all security
drifts and increases repression, Including social movements. For example, it was used to
prohibit the demonstration against Cop 21 of 29 November 2015 ; It was again used to house
activists ; It allows for administrative searches without a warrant of the prosecutor,
etc. Security policies and repression thus become the only response of the State to the
revolts and anger of the proletariat. The development of extreme right-wing movements and
ideas that we have been witnessing over the last few years also goes in this direction.
The security, surveillance,
All this suggests a drift towards an increasingly authoritarian state, all the more so
when one considers access to the power of the extreme right. It is, therefore, for every
revolutionary organization to prepare and anticipate the increasingly important
restrictions of our civil liberties and our margin for maneuver. It is also a matter of
anticipating the repression that has already begun to strike us as well as others: AL
militants have had to face fines and even imprisonment for their political activities or
Trade unions during the movement against labor law.
In a safe environment cure or even authoritarian drift of the regime, with the electronic
surveillance of the XXI th century, some sections of the social or revolutionary movement
can fall prey to the temptation of hiding. It would be a lure.
We must insist on this point: clandestinity is an option only when repression prohibits
any organization and any expression. The choice of clandestinity, prematurely made by the
Libertarian Communist Federation in July 1956, in the context of the Algerian war, will
remain a historical error of our current. Once underground, a political current can no
longer be heard, it isolates itself from the population and the social movement, can no
longer be renewed, rapidly depletes its financial and human resources, and eventually
disappears into general indifference. As long as a space of expression and action remains,
it must be occupied to the maximum. However, Alternative libertarian is not angelic: aware
that activists may find themselves particularly exposed,
Remote communications (telephony, Internet) are intercepted by intelligence services or by
pirates serving capitalist companies or fascist groups. Faced with this, the best parade
remains to silence any potentially illegal information on these channels. However, this
elementary protection principle should be promoted, but systematic communication
encryption should be encouraged for several reasons:
What is legal today will not necessarily be tomorrow ;
The more democratic the encryption, the more complicated the surveillance of the masses ;
From the point of view of the defense of civil liberties, it is useless for the state to
have easy access to our communications, whether legal or not.
Extra-legal action, which is indispensable to any political or social movement based on
the direct action of workers, must take other channels than clandestinity. And the
philosophy that guides it must adapt to the repressive context of the moment. On this
point, local AL groups will therefore be keen to:
Not to isolate oneself, to remain in trade unions and other mass social movements ;
Enter into a contract of confidence with one or more left-wing lawyers who are prepared to
co-organize a " political defense " before a court if necessary ;
Reinforce the security of extra-legal actions by ensuring that they can be mediated, make
sense for a sufficiently wide audience, be assumed by significant fractions of the social
movement, thus meeting a political echo and benefiting from solidarity.
The intervention of AL: a voluntarism without blindness
The experience of the anti-capitalist fronts
The context of current security tightening must lead the revolutionaries to stick
together. However, the strategy of the anti-capitalist fronts, carried by AL since 2007,
has run out. It has been local and punctual - thanks to the involvement of local groups
such as the NPA, the FA or the OCML-VP - but has not been able to Untied individuals, nor
lead to a national framework.
This strategy must therefore evolve, while integrating the positive achievements of
experience, including increased trust between organizations. If the anticapitalist front
can not be a permanent framework, it can take more flexible forms (common expressions,
joint meetings), adapted to each situation, at local and national level.
Lessons from the Labor Movement
The movement against the Labor Act, which has set in motion millions of employees,
particularly in the private sector, revealed the lack of implantation of anti-capitalist
organizations, especially in the strategic sectors. How many revolutionaries among the
truckers, dockers, cleaners, refiners who blocked the country ? Too few.
This observation must lead us to find the appropriate forms to address us in a
differentiated way to two audiences that we encounter in local or national struggles.
On the one hand the militant public, whether or not it is acquired by revolutionary ideas.
This public seeks answers, deciphering the relations of forces, the bureaucratic stakes,
the political objectives and we must provide our analyzes. ;
On the other hand, the popular mass mobilized at a given moment, who seeks clear slogans
to pursue, expand and win the movement.
Taking into account the proletariat of today in its diversity, with its lack of
ideological landmarks, very variable levels of education ... we must find the forms that
resonate with their anger, propose concrete objectives To the struggle, democratic modes
of self-organization but also to provide a libertarian communist light as a perspective by
adapting our discourse to each population.
Search for location at production sites
It is not through workers' romanticism that anti-capitalists must seek to be heard at the
places of production and exchange. Alternative libertarian does not believe in a change of
society through citizen mobilization, progressive, through elections and / or through
local resistance. Nor do we believe in the taking of power by an enlightened minority. We
are aiming for a reversal of the capitalist order by mass mobilization, based on the
direct action of the workers, that is to say, the general expropriatory strike. From our
point of view, a revolutionary and libertarian political strategy requires an implantation
in the workplace.
On the one hand, it is because they concentrate a large share of employees. These workers
whose rising resentment can be translated into collective struggles, but also by
reactionary reflexes if only the extreme right speaks to them.
On the other hand, it is because they are the main places of class confrontation. And that
the class consciousness and the confidence acquired in the collective struggles will
depend, tomorrow, on their resumption in hand and the construction of a self-managing
Establishment in production, transport or large enterprises is of particular importance
since these boxes are the most likely to play a major role in social conflicts. However,
the majority of employees do not work in such companies, and we do not want to stop them
from organizing them in the workplace.
To intervene in the direction of the companies, to make contacts, it is always possible to
interview strikers, to pull in front of boxes, but the CAL can also rely on the existing
tools - professional blogs Franchise postal, Rail unchained, Class Buissonnière try to
adapt the practice of the " bulletin box " in the digital age. Links, however, are
created all the more easily because they are based on concrete mutual assistance. From
this point of view, local unions and labor exchanges are often under-invested by
Think Differently to Change Scale
But to implant itself more widely in the proletariat, it also means to reflect on the
collective functioning that one gives oneself. Twenty-five years after his birth, AL is
still based on the model of the extreme left-wing group active on all sides, with internal
debates sometimes sophisticated. This can be excluded for employees who do not have the
time, or not the right cultural capital.
It is true that there is no magic recipe for fighting these heavy trends which affect all
organizations of the left and extreme left and are primarily concerned with the
tertiarization of the proletariat for forty years. But again, we must ask ourselves rather
than give up. For several months now, some CALs (Orléans, Nantes) have been experimenting
with a way of working that is more inclusive.
The AL Federation will gladly collect the lessons. This will help to put its expression
(newspaper, web) and its internal functioning in tune with the logic required by the
reflection on the " change of scale " initiated at the AL 2015 Congress.
 Statistics Pôle Emploi of April 2017.
 " Half of the unemployed receive less than € 500 a month ", Observatoire des
inégalités, 30 January 2015.
 " The disproportionate revenues of the big bosses and the leading cadres ",
Observatory of inequalities, March 30, 2016.
 " Patrimony: inequalities multiplied ", Observatory of inequalities, 15 November 2016.
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