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(en) Anarchism in Egypt, after the Brotherhood - Interview with Mohommed Mahmoud St. in Cairo.
Sun, 14 Jul 2013 00:36:22 +0300
The morning after the June 30 uprising that brought down Mohammed Morsi, I did an
interview with Mohammed Hassan Aazab as he helped hold down four anarchist tents in one of
Cairo’s major sit-ins. Shortly thereafter, the military stepped in, removed Morsi from
office, and set about rounding up Islamists and shuttering media outlets deemed to be
partial to the Muslim Brotherhood. In some cases they shot party members under arrest,
even massacring a number of supporters during prayers. Islamists have responded by
blocking the airport road and carrying out low-scale warfare in scattered parts of the
country. ---- For anarchists and others in Egypt who remember the last period of military
rule after Mubarak’s ouster, a complex situation has emerged: The Islamists they sought to
oust are in retreat, but they’re at the hands of a military that could just as easily put
other grassroots movements in its sights. The time seemed right to resume my conversation
It’s been nearly two weeks since the 30th. What’s the view, from where you are?
Well, as we all expected, the old regime has started to rear its head again. The
Brotherhood loses popularity every day. No new government has been formed, though, so it’s
not clear at this point what’s likely to happen. Once a government is formed, we ‘ll know
where the next fight’ll be.
Now it seems you’re basically stuck between the army and the Ikwhan [Brothers].
And the old regime. We’re in deep shit. There’s almost nothing to do but laugh.
It seems like the military — especially its leadership — would be more favorable to the
old regime. The generals control something like 30 percent of the economy, right?
Yeah, that’s right. The army is at the center of our economic problems. And there’s less
chance of addressing that now than there was before, probably, because at the moment
people see the army as having prevented a civil war. So, they’re basically beyond
reproach. They can do pretty much anything, and no one will ask questions. And if anyone
protests, they’ll be deemed traitors.
The other day, when we were talking, you seemed to be personally struggling with your own
feelings about the army’s actions against the Ikhwan. What’s your feeling about that now?
Well, I hold two feelings, you know? If we allow the Ikhwan to be the army’s victim today,
we’ll be the victim tomorrow. On the other hand, part of me feels like the Ikhwan deserves
everything that happens to them. They’ve been playing the civil war card up to now. So
it’s incredibly difficult to sort out, emotionally. I’m scared my hatred of the Ikhwan
could ultimately cost me my humanity. When I saw the photos of the Brotherhood supporters
killed at the Raba’a Adwyia mosque the other day, I didn’t feel anything. I remembered how
Islamists had found excuses for the army to kill us on Mohammed Mahmoud.
At the same time, I’m afraid that we’ll never see justice over the Ikhwan’s actions and
we’ll regret the day we didn’t eliminate them all. They threw kids out windows of tall
buildings in Alexandria the other day for supporting the protests. Before I went up there,
I was in the clashes with Islamists on the October 6th Bridge here in Cairo — they were
shooting at us with machine guns, and all we had were fireworks and molotovs. Five people
were killed. There’s violence happening against Christians in Upper Egypt, and neither the
interim government nor the opposition — or even the international community — is talking
about it. The media only seems to care about what’s happening in the big cities.
Christians are dying and their homes are being torched. The Islamists need to be stopped,
they are so dangerous in Upper Egypt.
Is any sort of defense of Christians possible, by means other than the army?
No, they’re just leaving their villages.
It’s interesting hearing you say you’re worried about losing more of your humanity to a
hatred of the Brotherhood — the idea that the impulse to eliminate them could make you
someone you don’t want to be. Do you feel like that impulse could make Egyptian society —
or any society in a revolutionary moment — an unhealthy foundation for any new society?
Yeah, no doubt. We have enough social problems, we can’t afford that.
What’s the way forward, in your mind?
The key problem is the disconnect between our generation and the older generations. Young
people need to represent the revolution. We don’t need old faces anymore. As we say in
Egypt, they are burned cards; we have no use for them.
What do you think that looks like? Student organizing? You don’t seem optimistic about unions…
I’m very optimistic about the student movements. In the last year there has been a huge
student movement, especially in the private schools. The Brotherhood’s first loss was in
the universities, actually. They couldn’t challenge the revolutionary movements there.
What was the struggle there about, exactly?
It varies, actually. Generally it was around students’ rights and fighting the management
of the universities, often with the Brotherhood students supporting the management. That
was happening in all the universities, and ultimately the student movements won those
struggles — even when violence resulted, as with the German University in Cairo.
At Ain Shams University, the movement was combatting thugs and the corruption of the
security forces on campus. At Misr International University, it was about the safety of
the main road, after two students died. At Elshorouk, it was about medical care, after a
student died in the university clinic. At El Nile University, it was over a building the
government was trying to seize — something happening at many universities, actually.
Like a student center?
No, I wish. They wanted to take a classrooms building. They were actually trying to seize
How did these victories affect the movements? Are students still active?
Yeah, they are. And now they’ve started forming a union of the students’ movements all
over Egypt. They’re working hard, a lot of meetings and activities.
What are the major issues at this point?
Releasing students arrested going all the way back to the January 25 revolution, the right
to decent dorms in the universities, and kicking security out of the political life of the
Are students leaving universities radicalized?
It depends on the student. It’s probably impossible to say, one way or the other.
Among anarchists in particular, are there aspects of this revolutionary process that you
have all felt connected to, beyond taking down Mubarak?
Real organizing didn’t really even begin until after Mubarak’s ouster. We started
gathering, talking to people, printing up writing about our ideas, and organizing meetings
in downtown cafes in front of whoever was there. Then in the clashes on Mohammed Mahmoud
Street, we found ourselves actually fighting beside each other.
I imagine that was a fairly traumatic experience. I found just walking past the murals
creepy. Did that shape anarchists?
Of course. After removing Mubarak, working in the streets was incredibly difficult.
Horrible things happened in Tahrir, and no one believed us. People believed the army and
the Islamists. This last year and half, after removing Mubarak, there’s a way in which you
could say we were actually fighting our own community, and by the time Morsi took office
we were just utterly dispirited.
That was why you told me you’d given up on politics when we met?
Yeah, exactly. I’ll tell you something as an example. At this point, 90 percent of
Egyptians don’t believe that the army shot people with live rounds in Tahrir during the
clashes outside the prime minister’s headquarters after Mohammed Mahmoud. A lot of us were
there and four of our friends died in front of us, and people act as though we’re lying.
Shit like that just crushes you.
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