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(en) Indonesia, Kulon Progo Self-organised Struggle Against Neoliberal Megaproject
Date
Tue, 15 Feb 2011 20:07:23 +0200
Dear Comrades, We are small loose collective* (informal) in Yogyakarta, located in central
Java, a region considered as “special territory” inside the democratic state due to its
historical role as a Kingdom of Java, and for the same reason, some of the old feudal
rules still preserved inside the so called democratic state.- Since 2007 we have involved
in creating solidarity with the peasant struggle in Kulon Progo which located inside
Yogyakarta region. The struggle was about resisting iron mining which ARE a joint
cooperation of Australian Kimberly Diamond (Indomines) and its local “puppet” branch
company named “Jogja Magasa Iron (Mining)”. Jogja Magasa Iron are owned by the Sultan of
Yogyakarta’s (Sri Sultan Hamengkubowono X) daughter, GKR Pembayun. ---- The Mega-Project
-- The planning of Iron mines are just a gateway for other mega-project to come, that we
recognised as a development proposal from Asian Development Bank.
Kulon Progo territorial are a crucial point in making further capitalist infrastructure in
java, that is to create alternative highways, international airport, and other industrial
infrastructure that would be a pivotal role for other minings and industrial project in
surrounding area. These projects involved companies and investors from other countries
include: Czech, Australia, and South Korea (some of the foreign investor that we already
acknowledge).
Agrarian Conflict
As laws are easily made up by the rulling class. The former agrarian laws that protects
peasants land after the independence were threatened to change due to the
political-economic interrest of the elites:
In according the original to state laws, the peasants have the most legality to cultivate
the land. But it is not really permanent since there is also a law that says “Every
natural resources are owned by the state”.
Feudal claiming of the land by the Sultan also create a mystification of “Special
Territory” and its historical justification as a kingdom. Which fortunately until now, no
law were officialy justifying the Sultan’s need to officially owned all of the land in
Yogyakarta: Wonosari, Bantul, Sleman, Kulon Progo.
Political Atmosphere
Recently there have been a a political “fight” between the pro’s and con’s of the
democratic-state take over of Yogyakarta since Sultan wanted the government to approved
its feudal inheritance of land (so that the mining project and other mega-project would be
smoothened by him and he himself will play the` major role for other mega-projects planned
in Yogyakarta). This create an illusion of the democratic state versus the special
territory of Yogyakarta. Some important point to be considered is that Yogyakarta
accomodates intellectual life and the city received the central reputation for student
city due to the existence of the most good education and universities across Indonesia.
For example, in urban areas of Yogyakarta, most of its inhabitants are students from all
over Indonesia. This creates a multicultural relationship and a growing intellectual life
and lively art scene. In the recent spectacle of opposition between Sultan and President,
the Sultan were praised by the “bribed” progressive academics, the so called “radical
artists”, and the opportunist leftist, as more democratic, progressive, pluralist (and
other nonesense) than the president on chair. This tendency were falsely seen by many
“progressives” as true fight against the regime and most of them were rallying in
solidarity for the “ETERNAL” preservation of special territory of Yogyakarta and the
eternal authority of the Sultan’s blood to rule Yogyakarta inside Indonesian democratic
state and of course with some hidden from public planned laws, that is: an eternal
ownership of the so called Sultan and Paku alaman’s ground. To our view, as one of its
inhabitants, if pluralism and multiculturalism, and also the freedom of expression were
really exist, it has nothing to do with the Sultan. It simply an urbanised life of the
students with various backgrounds of culture that made it possible, and in some cases
cultural and ethnic clashes also appear, just as in other major cities in Java. But since
most of Yogyakarta’s inhabitants are students and not workers, its already explained that
free-time can create “special” atmosphere and not because of its feudalistic special
territory where a very low-wage were praised as dedication and loyalty to the Sultan.
The Struggle
(see “A Tale of Sand” , a brief history and struggle of Kulon Progo’s peasants)
Interview: http://hidupbiasa.blogspot.com/2010/11/kulon-progo-government-forces-us-to.html
A Tale of Sand: http://hidupbiasa.blogspot.com/2009/12/tale-of-sand.html
Approximately 10 thousand people will lose their land and house due to the feudal claiming
of Sultan and Paku alaman ground. Ever since the issue of the mining project and its
preliminary operation were conducted, the peasants of Kulon Progo were resisting very
fiercely, these peasants notable came from several villages: Trisik, Karangwuni, Bugel,
Pleret, Garongan, Karang Sewu. The mining projects threatened to make use of the land as
much as 2987 – 3000 acres of land. The struggle which was started since 2007 creates a
peasant umbrella group named PPLP-KP (Coastal Farmers Association of Kulon Progo). PPLP-KP
such as the daily organizing of the noted Kulon Progo’s village, though still had informal
hierarchy (such as those who are considered as elders), were very horizontal in nature.
These villages have their tradition of consensual meetings where every village send their
delegates and were responsible back to its people, and this is not function as leader.
Oftenly in some serious events, these informal leaders cannot do anything to calm down the
peasants anger.
PPLP-KP have conducted lots of demonstration, and in almost every demonstration, thousands
of people always showed up. These solid network of village people were pure and sterilized
from outiside interference such as Ngos, political party, and leftist organisation. And
the peasants council have made it clear that to maintain their solid unity, PPLP-KP and
the struggle of Kulon Progo’s peasants should be controlled by the peasant itself and not
some organisation or other specialist. This strategy were seen as crucial so as to avoid
any danger in the future if there’s any hidden political interrest in every political
organisation that would want to interfere the struggle. And by time it is proven right, as
the struggle became more solid through the years and some of the political organisation
have showed their true face. Also to be noted, since the struggle have emerged, local
authority belongs to the local or central state were no more functioning as the villagers
decided to control everything into their own hands.
Criminalisation and the so called “Independent Advocates” (LBH)
In recent cases of struggle, some incidents have occurred. Every night and day, men and
women patroled their villages if there’s any government or other institution responsible
come to their village without any permission from the villagers. During December last year
and January this year, two incidents happened where the investor’s car’s were damaged and
some of the person inside the car were held hostages for three hours. The villagers have
made their own laws, and according to them, if any institution wants to come to the area,
especially those who are involved in the megaproject, should face the community first,
otherwise it would be an offense to the community law.
16 December 2010: held hostaged six car belong to the investors and damage some of the cars
17 Desember 2010: The outrage community destroyed the mining office and made it sure it
cant be operating again.
12 January 2011 – Community destroyed researcher's of the company car
These action conducted by the villagers were criminalised and the company have hired a
well known lawyer in Indonesia to sue the community. Every time there’s a case such as
this, the law aid institution officially named LBH (Lembaga Bantuan Hukum) were trying to
convince the community that a successful struggle would be inside the law and further
illegal acts should be stopped—although police only issue a warrant and never able or dare
to pick-up the suspect or witness, as the community would be the human shield if there’s
any individuals would be hostages of the state because of defending their own rights.
LBH is a problem for the struggle, not only because they believe in political struggle in
front of the court, and they firm attachment to the laws and state, but because most of
the individual lawyers in that institution involved in the network of institutional
leftist and leftist-environmental organisation which historically have bad reputation in
the grassroot: political intrigues, corruption, dependency, etc. In recent cases they were
trying to influence some of the community members to expel the small minority of
anti-authoritarians who are deeply involved with the PPLP-KP but didn’t have any
organisation whatsoever. Fortunately, the conversation were recorded by the community
itself, and it was heard in their internal meetings.
The LBH were trying to expell the small minority of anti-authoritarians because of its
hostile position to every network of NGO’S and other insitutional leftist that is so
oftenly in close connection with the elites and politicians. LBH were accusing the
anarchists of provoking the villagers to conduct illegal actions, of which all of these
accusation are based on lies, because most of these actions were conducted spontaneously
and that the community itself are already hot headed in their position against the minings
and its people. LBH also wanted their network to infiltrate the struggle but were at pains
because of the agreement of the PPLP-KP councils to not accept any interference of NGO’S
or other political institution. LBH are problematic to the struggle, which its narrow
political interrest cannot be an independent help for the movement. It only can make
intrigues to the whole movement and threathening its solid and self-organised struggle.
Global Solidarity
Considering these political implications and the revolutionary tendency of the peasant
struggle, we urge to have a solid international solidarity. And on the behalf of the
peasants, we need input on how to challenge these laws on international scale. We have
made infrastructure of struggle in the village: community radio and social center. And
also there’s twice of solidarity actions conducted by our comrades in Melbourne and Perth
(due to the involvment of Australian Kimberly Diamond). We are in dire need for help to
make this struggle successful without any interference of the leftist institution and its
disgusting network. Please contact us for furtrher collaboration and we will update you
with a more extensive and comprehensive data of the struggle. This letter are not our own
initiative but were a result of our meetings with the PPLP-KP.
On behalf of the peasants,
Kulon Progo Solidarity Network
S.A.K.S.I
website: http://petanimerdeka.tk
Email: petanimerdeka@yahoo.com
Mobile: +6285729818518
--------------------------
"Anarchist to the bone, and anticapitalist to the end!"
_________________________________________
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