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(en) alas barricadas: Elections in Mexico. War, domination and fight against the State (ca) [machine translation]

Date Fri, 10 Aug 2018 09:32:00 +0300


Marcelo Sandoval Vargas, Revolutionary Alliance for Anarchic Communism ---- What gains the proletarian with the fact of depositing in the ballot box a ballot in which he has put the name of the person who has to be part of the government?[...]the government is the source of injustice, hatred, war between human beings. The worker who wields an electoral ballot is worthy of pity, because he himself appoints his executioners, he himself manufactures the whip that has to cross his face, he himself allows this infamous system to endure -- Ricardo Flores Magón ---- On July 1, 2018, through the electoral day that was lived in Mexico, we attended a show that maintains the general spectacle of class society, patriarchal, state and colonial society. The current society is a generalized spectacle and is, at the same time, an accumulation of spectacles. For the powerful the spectacle is the only possibility of participation, one that is carried out in terms of appearance and passivity, where the capacity to do and imagine is subsumed to the instituted world. The politics of the spectacle is that carried out by citizens, that subject that is conformed at the moment in which an atomized individual delegates the destiny of his life, when he decides to abandon the commitment to take charge of his own existence.

The Mexican electoral process was carried out in the middle of a war, organized over clandestine graves, about the lives of the disappeared, of murdered women, of young people and enslaved children. The mechanisms and forms of deployment of the current stage of the historic war of capitalism against life began in 2006, when it began to experience an increase in state violence against the people; violence and repression that clearly broke out with two events that marked the beginning of a new state policy, reflecting the intensification of the processes of accumulation, through the destruction of life, territories and bodies of people.

In that year the Mexican government repressed the people of San Salvador Atenco, state of Mexico; people who defended their land since 2001 before the pretensions of building an airport on their territory. In May of 2006, the Front of Peoples in Defense of the Land (FPDT), an organization that brought together the ejido members of Atenco, decided to accompany some florists who resisted an eviction by the police, in front of this act of solidarity, the Police responded with repression and violence, so some florists and FPDT leaders stayed in a house for several hours to protect themselves. The repressive action forced the members of the FPDT to block a road that connects the state of Mexico with Mexico City, to demand the liberation of the florists and ejido members of Atenco. The response from the government was a police-military operation that had the intention of apprehending its leaders, accusing them of kidnapping; the town was invaded by police, who were looking for any villager or person who had gone to show solidarity with the people of Atenco, when they found someone they beat and stopped. The final balance was two people killed, dozens of women vexed and raped by the police themselves, dozens of people beaten and tortured. All of them were imprisoned for several years for crimes they did not commit. The repression was used to break the organization and resistance of the people, as well as threatening all the struggles, movements and organizations of the country. the town was invaded by police, who were looking for any villager or person who had gone to show solidarity with the people of Atenco, when they found someone they beat and stopped. The final balance was two people killed, dozens of women vexed and raped by the police themselves, dozens of people beaten and tortured. All of them were imprisoned for several years for crimes they did not commit. The repression was used to break the organization and resistance of the people, as well as threatening all the struggles, movements and organizations of the country. the town was invaded by police, who were looking for any villager or person who had gone to show solidarity with the people of Atenco, when they found someone they beat and stopped. The final balance was two people killed, dozens of women vexed and raped by the police themselves, dozens of people beaten and tortured. All of them were imprisoned for several years for crimes they did not commit. The repression was used to break the organization and resistance of the people, as well as threatening all the struggles, movements and organizations of the country. dozens of women vexed and raped by the police themselves, dozens of people beaten and tortured. All of them were imprisoned for several years for crimes they did not commit. The repression was used to break the organization and resistance of the people, as well as threatening all the struggles, movements and organizations of the country. dozens of women vexed and raped by the police themselves, dozens of people beaten and tortured. All of them were imprisoned for several years for crimes they did not commit. The repression was used to break the organization and resistance of the people, as well as threatening all the struggles, movements and organizations of the country.

The second repressive action occurred in November 2006, it was another police-military operation; this time against the inhabitants of the city of Oaxaca, the indigenous peoples and the organizations that led this insurrectionary movement, which since June of that year organized one of the greatest experiences of struggle and self-government in recent decades. It was known as the Commune of Oaxaca and was the work of the Popular Assembly of the Peoples of Oaxaca (APPO). The movement broke out in response to the government's attempt to evict a seedling of basic education teachers in the city's zócalo, which was set up in May in demand for wage increases and greater labor rights. When the police began to attack the teachers, people left their homes in defense of the teachers. First they reinstalled the seedling, but the organization did not stay in that, they decided spontaneously to take control of the city. The insurrection was carried out through the installation of barricades in all neighborhoods, took several radios, university, government and commercial as well as state television, used the media to publicize their struggle and make complaints of harassment that led to the government, but not only, the most important thing was that they used them as organizers of the movement. During the months of insurrection the government hid and the people organized the life of the whole city. The experience lasted around 5 months, during which time the violence of the State was permanent: it converted the police, dressed in civilian clothes, in a paramilitary group that at night went out to attack with firearms the people of the barricades; every day there were confrontations with the forces of order in different parts of the city; the territories controlled by the insurgents were constantly harassed. Finally, in November, the government carried out a police-military operation that ran through street by street with tanks and armed men with the intention of destroying the barricades, beating, imprisoning and assassinating those who maintained the resistance. So far it is not known for sure how many people were killed, disappeared and imprisoned, but it is estimated in hundreds. Finally, in November, the government carried out a police-military operation that ran through street by street with tanks and armed men with the intention of destroying the barricades, beating, imprisoning and assassinating those who maintained the resistance. So far it is not known for sure how many people were killed, disappeared and imprisoned, but it is estimated in hundreds. Finally, in November, the government carried out a police-military operation that ran through street by street with tanks and armed men with the intention of destroying the barricades, beating, imprisoning and assassinating those who maintained the resistance. So far it is not known for sure how many people were killed, disappeared and imprisoned, but it is estimated in hundreds.

What these two repressions represent is the beginning of a new state policy; one that is characterized by the state of exception for the peoples, where violence is the first governmental response in order to guarantee the accumulation and profit of the capitalists, which implies the intensification and reconfiguration of the capitalist war, that conflagration of long breath between the dispossessed and the possessors. What definitively rounded up this change in state policy was the electoral fraud that was organized in the same year, a fraud that was committed against the presidential candidate Andrés Manuel López Obrador (of social-democratic tendency). The intentionality of fraud was to allow the right-wing candidate Felipe Calderón to reach the presidency, since he was the one who committed himself to the powerful, under the speech that he was going to impose a war against drug trafficking, to concretize the new stage of capitalist war against life. All this contributed to give free rein to an episode in the history of Mexico that has left a balance of 118 thousand people killed and tens of thousands of missing, according to official figures.

Up to now it is 12 years of war, since the president who followed Felipe Calderón, the right-wing Enrique Peña Nieto, has been a continuation of the same terrorist policy for the control of territories and life, of this war against the peoples, against women and against nature, but that has been framed in the media and in the speeches of the rulers as war against drug trafficking. During this period, people realized that the main murderer and criminal is the State itself. For example, it has been evident, for example, the direct participation of the police, the army and the rulers in the murder of 3 and the disappearance of 43 students of the Rural Normal of Ayotzinapa on September 26, 2014. The massacre was verified. the army in Tlatlaya, state of Mexico, in the same 2014.

In response to the capitalist war, there are peoples who have organized to resist and defend themselves. Some movements and struggles have realized that they can not expect anything from the government, that the problem is the State itself, therefore, experiences of autonomy and self-government have emerged, as well as forms of community security and self-defense. The families of the disappeared have gone looking for their sons and daughters, they go from city to city, from grave to grave, they know that the government will never find their relatives, because it is part of the same system that disappears them. However, in these 12 years of terror and chaos, it has not had the capacity to form a revolutionary project that brings together part of the discontent, a real alternative from which the movements, peoples and struggles are able to fight.

Rationale for everything and that at the end of 2017 the legitimacy of the State and political parties was in its worst situation in recent decades, since the ruling political class was almost unanimously despised and expressed a fear and a general rage against the army, the navy and the police for their participation in disappearances, massacres, dispossessions and unjust detentions, it was not possible to build a revolutionary solution to capitalist barbarism. This impossibility was taken advantage of by the political parties in the opening of the electoral campaigns, the social-democratic candidate Andrés Manuel López Obrador, appeared as in 2006 above in the polls, at a very great distance from his two competitors, the right-wingers Ricardo Anaya and José Antonio Meade,

On the economic plane, the three main candidates represented the continuity of neoliberalism, the same pursuit of profit and capitalist accumulation, only that Anaya and Meade explicitly spoke of continuing with the same dynamics of generalized violence, of undeclared civil war; and López Obrador said that that same accumulation and gain can be concretized in a better way if there is peace and a certain tranquility for the people. That speech, associated with 12 years of desperation for the people, allowed him to stay very high in the polls during the entire electoral campaign and finally win the elections on July 1, 2018.

The contempt for the electoral campaigns of the different parties was generalized. The voting percentage remained within the average for a presidential election, about 60% of the electorate. In general disenchantment was perceived, despite the fact that the social-democratic candidate López Obrador won by a very large distance, obtaining more than 50% of the preferences; It has not manifested among the people of the bottom hopes for a profound change in the situation, they aspire to live with less violence, they hope that the murders and disappearances will diminish, that there will be work so that it can be consumed, that there will be tranquility so that can be produced

What is observed, with the victory of López Obrador, is that the State has been legitimized again. In addition, being a character who has a leftist discourse on the social level, we are sure that the forms of repression that will be used by the government that represents will be cooptation and low intensity war. The middle class has become their main ally and is their first line of defense. However, what the middle class forgets is that in a country like Mexico, where electoral fraud is the rule, Lopez Obrador's triumph means that the elites have given their approval, it means that there is an agreement between the two parties and surely a series of commitments that must be fulfilled by the new government that will take office on December 1, 2018.

For those of us trying to position ourselves in a radical and revolutionary way, the outlook is adverse in a different way than we had been dealing with the two previous governments, where violence was the first response for those who were in defense of the territory and of life. This time we are facing a consensus between the media and the middle class in their support for the new government; political parties of all tendencies accepted their defeat easily and have aligned themselves with the next president. That is why radical, anti-statist and anti-capitalist criticism will become necessary in a context where it will be disdained even more than before.

Under the discourse of giving an opportunity to a government that for the first time represents a social-democratic and leftist position, passivity is going to be promoted. And as in all the progressive governments that occurred in South America, any criticism will be branded as reactionary and pro-imperialist. That leaves a winding road for revolutionary options, which are currently scattered, isolated and weak, while the movements and peoples fighting and defending the territory will face repressive mechanisms based on cooptation and welfare, without discarding, Of course, violence when the interests of capital are threatened.

All that remains is to prevent anti-statist and anti-capitalist criticism from falling. It is necessary to build a real project from which an effective resistance against capitalist domination can be articulated, capable of organizing life in a different way. The State remains the same, only now it has become stronger and has legitimacy again, so it is a more dangerous enemy, surely it will not stop resorting to violence, disappearances and dispossession, but to those mechanisms of oppression is incorporated new control mechanisms. The electoral days of July 1 and the outcome that it had, confirms that the capitalist system is trying to renew itself to continue exploiting and dominating. The elections meant one of many illusory alternatives that only lead to the restoration of the same domination. To the persistence of the war. For the indigenous peoples and the oppressed, for the disinherited and the dispossessed, there is no alternative but resistance. The capitalist world means the destruction of life, it is against those who resist, rebel and fight. For that reason, our only answer is the social revolution, understood as an accumulation of efforts that bet on living in the now of the struggle under other modes, from other social relations. Our path, in this sense, will be created as we decide to face daily problems, confronting them collectively and through the exercise of our direct action, without representatives or leaders.

http://alasbarricadas.org/noticias/node/40464
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