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(en) Placement on recent developments in Brazil By APO (Greece) [machine translation]

Date Sun, 13 Jan 2019 08:11:21 +0200

One of the main timeless projects of the anarchist movement was that of international solidarity. In the modern globalized environment of capitalism, this particular project looks more relevant than ever. That is why we felt it was important to stand up for the recent (28/10) victory of the right-wing candidate Bolsonaro with the Liberal Social Party in the elections in Brazil, but also to be sworn in as president (1/1), while expressing solidarity to the struggling pieces of the Brazilian people. ---- With more than 50% in the richest regions of the country (the southern and southeastern states) and with an electoral base mostly made up of men with higher incomes, Bolsonaro has a general tendency to conservatism. With provocative "all-embracing" statements of the press that "it will end all activisms" and that "all the left have to be rifled", it prolongs its aggressive attitude towards the movements and fighters. Characteristically, in his first statements after his election, he described the movements of the homeless and the peasant farmer as "terrorist", showing his dispositions early on the poorest and most oppressed layers of Brazil. This attitude is accompanied by sexism, homophobia and more general racism against women's sex, members of the community, indigenous peoples, and blacks. The movements, along with minorities, are therefore the permanent objectives of a policy that includes on its agenda the militarization of public life, the strengthening of relations with the US, and a series of neo-liberal measures, such as the reduction of pensions, the abolition of labor law, collective agreements and public insurance, measures that will be accompanied by a more general privatization policy, certifying a wider class and social aggression of state and capital.

This aggression is embodied in both the Bolsonaro election, which clearly represents the primacy of the fascinating, non-revolutionary role of the fascist regime and the intensity of racist and fascist violence. From a power administrator, a politician - and a former military - assumes the military dictatorship of the 1964-85 era and the torture and assassinations that he committed, and on the other, the entire social groups are at the target of the system, both paramilitary and fascist impact groups. More specifically, in 2017, 445 people (one every 19 hours) were murdered on the grounds of sexual orientation, 30% more than in 2016. Blacks, even though they account for 8% of the total population, are the top of the list of homicide victims 71%. Gender violence is also on the rise, as of the 4,539 murders of women last year, 1,133 were related to their sex. Recent examples of these phenomena include the growing attacks by Bologna's fans shortly before the election culminating in the murder of Mohamed Katoed in the city of Salvador and the assassination in March of Rio de Janeiro by Maríelle Franco, what the fascists hate: it was black, lesbian, feminist and left.

But the Bolonicosian electoral victory is also a recapitulation of a different strategy from the Brazilian capital and the change in its relationship with the state. Since 1930 the development of the domestic economy has been the state's main tool, with the country's largest industries being under state control. Despite the return of the democratic regime in 1988 ("New Democracy"), this relationship did not change, but instead created new political conditions. The objective was to enter state agencies and businesses and hunt state aid (legal or illegal) for all political forces. Thus, as the politicians were elected with parties without a clear ideology and line having the above aims, governments used this incentive to govern on the basis of a politically disparate majority (presidencialismo de coalizão). The result was the continuation of a hypertrophic state where corruption was diffuse and the interplay between state and capital was clearly blatant. With the rise of Lula's Labor Party in 2003, a small portion of all this profitability was used for social benefits to the poorer strata. The outbreak of the global financial crisis in 2008 could not have affected Brazil. At the same time that the Car Wash scandal broke out, the Temer government voted bills that would take back social benefits and overwhelm the repressive powers of the state.

Brazil is currently redefining the roles of ruling sovereignty both internally (including illegal capital such as narco industry) and externally in its relations with the US and the role of the country in relation to the other states Latin America. In order for this transition to be able to deepen and extend the exemption regime, the powers of the state machine are growing and becoming more and more penetrating into the social body, while class antagonisms are compounded by a large part of the population sinking into poverty and misery. A course that is the product of the form of the modern capitalist system itself and is not determined by the party in power.

That is why the issue is not the choice between a social democratic model or even a model with the state as the key player in the economy and a neo-liberal management model. Both have diffident corruption, increasing and upgrading the powers of the police and the repression of the oppressed and the fighters. The question is the total rejection of the state and the capitalist system as sources of injustice, poverty, wars. An outline of the new cabinet is enough to demonstrate the "changes" that are taking place in Brazil's political landscape.

The new super-ministry of finance is taken over by Paulo Ghentz, a Chicago School graduate and a Chicago Boys partner, rapporteurs of the neo-liberal doctrine, Chile's first test animal on Pinochet dictatorship. The Ministry of Agriculture is taking over Teresa Cristina da Costa, who was the leader in the parliamentary bill for the release of the use of toxic pesticides, while for her electoral campaign she received donations from 12 big farmers in the agro-industry. We can not link this to both the recent Bolsonaro statements on the climate agreement and the growing deforestation of the Amazon forest, the main oxygen lung for our planet. At the same time, Hon. Lorenzoni, who is associated with the agro-industrial group Cosan , will be appointed Minister of the Presidency , and he recently confessed that he got $ 100,000 from the meat export colossus companyJBS and are facing charges of bribery and Odebrecht . Relationships with the big capital of the country are clear, as is the involvement in various kinds of scandals. Even for the new Minister of Justice, Sergio Moro, who led the car wash case and the first Lula coroner's conviction, capitalizing politically on his role, there is evidence of possible illegal funding for his election campaign.

The other face of the upcoming government is of course repression, racism, ultimately totalitarianism. Minister of Defense is taken over by retired General Fernando Azevedo and Silva, a former army chief who described the 1964 coup as a "movement." Also, the head of the Security Council has been appointed by Augustus Elena who defends the absolute freedom of the army and police to kill and has characterized the demarcation of indigenous lands as "a threat to national sovereignty." And, of course, we can add the recent police invasions to universities under the pretext of the new law against party propaganda, which was accompanied by teaching rooms, downloading anti-fascist banners, even banning anti-fascist events.

In response to the rising popularity of Bologna, the Labor Party has proclaimed "anti-fascist unity" and can be saved (in their alliance include the Brazilian Communist Party). Movements known by social democracy aimed at restoring or staying in power. Not only do the social democrats in no way represent an anti-fascist force, but rather pave the way for fascist raid when using nationalism to promote broader interests and when hitting movements with fascist striking groups. In this case, they hoped that anti-fascist statements and reinforcement of the old left-wing division would erase the scandals, corruption and the profound speculation of its governments. Ultimately, they created false dilemmas for the Brazilian people, as the battle against fascism is part of the ongoing confrontation against the state and capital for total liberation. This is because fascism is a child of the capitalist system and has a toolkit to rescue it every time.

And the truth is that previous center-left governments have methodically promoted the "public order" agenda by criminalizing the poor through their growing enclaves (especially the black population) and militants through the growing repression that culminated in the adoption of the new anti-terrorist law by Roussef, at the same time as the role of the army within the country, but also with regard to the geopolitics of the continent. At the same time, the Class Reconciliation Agenda collapsed miserably, removing social rights, political freedoms and public benefits, things that have been conquered by decades-long labor struggles on a world scale.

For our part, even though we are and are thousands of miles away, we express our solidarity with the struggling pieces of the Brazilian people, fighting against the brutality of the capitalist system and modern totalitarianism. A barbarity that is a reality in the world, even if it is expressed in a different way in the world. They can, however, set up mounds against the increasing attacks of state and capital and the fascist threat. Our duty is to strengthen international solidarity, to organize and fight against power, capitalism, fascism and nationalism, horizons and compasses of social revolution, anarchy and libertarian communism.

Libertatia - collectivity for libertarian communism - membe
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