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(en) Chile, Analysis of the situation of the Libertarian Communist Organization (OCL) (ca) [machine translation]
Sat, 02 Mar 2013 15:28:13 +0200
I. The slow process of resetting the popular camp was opened in 2006 as the student
mobilizations milestone in 2011; mobilization process that failed to generate a wide arc
of solidarity on the part of the population, for the first time since the dictatorship,
was articulated massively in demand around this time pointed to structural aspects of
neoliberal accumulation model, thereby exacerbating the crisis of representation for years
reflected in surveys of various study centers attached to the dominant bloc. --- A fact to
note is that under such circumstances, the student movement had the merit to overcome
attempts by the Coalition and the Communist Party of institutionally channel it
according to their own organizational restructuring in a context of crisis. Today, some
fraction of that critical mass student often not capitalized politically by any appliance,
has responded (in part) to attempts at institutional channeling of reformism.
Thus, somehow, the student movement has gained historical consciousness of their real
allies and their own mistakes of the past, acting with a marked autonomy from political
expressions attached to the power bloc, an issue that is expressed more visibility on high
school students that college.
Our commitment but has tended to strengthen the independence movement as an expression of
a buildup of forces to put in relief the role of mass struggle, also reaffirmed the need
to equip ourselves as kind of programmatic development processes that represent a quantum
leap in building a revolutionary social force. Thus in education we have supported since
our insertion student union and peasant population with social organizations and social
policies, program initiatives unpublished as Social Congress for Education Project , an
effort that is added to the contribution of our colleagues in the within the program
development Confech and Aces .
These efforts are taxed at the rate of transforming forces have contained, to some extent,
the reflux of mobilization, also helped to avoid an apparent victory at the tactical
level, which would involve a strategic defeat for the democratic possibilities that
mortgaged organic reset the popular classes in a scenario of crisis of legitimacy of the
political class and the emergence of a structural challenge to the neoliberal model.
However, the retaining ability is insufficient. The movement has been shown lacking tools
to oppose an alternative to the alliance with the political parties given by reformism,
which expresses in a second level of analysis that the movement can not go beyond a
certain social inertia that blocks Popular creative processes, and, by contrast, remains
with the old. We speak of a mass culture that is built upon a historical knowledge tied to
the traditional reference, a situation that left revolutionary intent can not reverse.
Talk to the proposed alliance with the political class with swipes of drowned
interpellating any allies, "the whole people", to "unity with other sectors" to "workers
and residents," while stating position that intentionality correct policy and useful at
certain times as containment policy, refers to a reading of reality that does not provide
very limited specific situation, organic and ideological of the working class and popular
throughout the field, which is not overcome even the deepest loss arising from the
The "other sectors" challenged, not only are des constituted, but also hardly escape
embryonic expressions of a sector in its demands, which should lead us to wonder about the
situation of the working class and its prospects. This sketch a quick look at your situation.
For example at union level, the development of a band class is precarious workers. Just
look at the sustained increase in the number of strikes in recent times and is not
indicative of a significant advance in the composition of a new labor movement, overcoming
bureaucracy and the limitations of current legislation. However there is the effort of a
small handful of organizations that has transcended the field and is making bets sectoral
program. These grassroots organizations have supported efforts to converge on basic
aspects protest, and persists even when the lack of political proposal and organic
referentiality can take important steps from national initiatives and programmatic joint
union as the Congress for New Unionism .
In territorial terms, the demonstrations of Calama, Freirina , and Aysen , although
allowed channel social demands according to a logic that puts the spotlight on the center
of the organized community, are largely mediated by political intervention that at the
municipal and parliamentary consultation and develop PC based on their corporate
interests. At the level of territorial and functional organizations, the situation is no
different, clientelist logic installed from 90 "naturally" channeled to the electoral
stage and therefore the role of the base of support of various institutions who dispute
concerning level community, is the only national sectoral organization of the field
population - Fenapo - is stressed and absorbed by the electoral situation given the
presence of referents that put this as centrality of political debate.
However the analysis of the concrete reality of this strip class people, it is necessary
to understand the sources deal in the pop world (one broken and inorganic) that feed the
politicization of the same. It is not accommodated in empty findings politicization of
everyday life, but to understand that something exists and something changes in the
world's deepest popular way or at any rate that feeds the drawings sectors constitution
but high political strength and moral. In this sense, the complex task is to understand
and align these processes with the proper polÃticoorgÃnico organizations of the
revolutionary left, an issue that has to do precisely with substantially contribute to the
projection of the working class as the driving force of change in our country.
II. Failure of the student movement to find allies in the social world and the cyclical
ebb own mobilization enabled the Government to make the discussion of the street and fit
in parliament with the release of seven bills. This situation, which was read by many as a
partial defeat, has also involved a restructuring internally, demonstrating in concrete
terms that the student movement is the only segment and size (in terms of number of node
crosses social and joints, such as those of Family, work, etc.). popular field that is
able to reinstall again and again, and with rising radicalism in the proposals and action,
the need to thoroughly transform the economic, political and social conditions in Chile .
The present context refers to a movement yet retains a great endorsement of the
population, above all political institutions, however, that capital is at risk if it fails
to generate a break with ritual installed making progress basics. To acquire this requires
a roadmap that articulates with the demands of short-term, but also show a way out of the
current institutional and it must identify the character assumes the class struggle today,
which necessarily forwarded to the impossibility of implementing structural reforms given
the political institutions and economic education inherited from the dictatorship.
The lack of answers to these questions shows that despite the movement's demands are
deeply political, it lacks the capacity to act politically, in other words, have clear
objectives but can not move tactically, and this simply because our judgment fails to
elucidate a strategy of rupture (your own class composition, its fledgling organic reset,
among other reasons). Thus the movement apolitical, yesterday appeared as a great virtue
and prestige to the debacle of the political class, can be extremely harmful, if we
understand it as a disregard for the issue of power, forcing us to precisely reposition
the political discussion and identify leak points to this general movement.
III. The overall picture of the social field to which we referred, we face the task of
reinstalling the political centrality in the discussion of popular organizations, which is
essential to give our social force and the whole field of organic and social
directionality that allows reference in all of the popular strategic guidance to overcome
the current phase of the class struggle in Chile, which constitutes an alternative to the
direction of reformism.
The strategic direction of reformism basically puts emphasis on the alteration of the
correlation of forces in the field of political representation within the institutional
framework of Pinochet , which leads her to develop the thesis of a new type of government
and thus a policy alliance with the Coalition that will generate the necessary reforms to
open a new political cycle. The PC appeals to build a political bloc representing liberal
or neoliberal classes to generate a process of democratic opening, but this reading is
absolutely wrong. The progressive national bourgeoisie does not exist, since it has
absolutely made ââfor their class interests in the current neoliberal accumulation
pattern, as well as large sections of the petty and middle bourgeoisie production and
services, while they may not appear objectively interested in maintaining the neoliberal
project, subordinate classes overlap as the most internationalized fraction of the
national bourgeoisie and transnational monopoly capital, under the current block in
poder.Desde that standpoint, the strategic direction of the PC only could achieve
aggiornamiento or makeup on the model, since it is highly unlikely that the classes that
stand to gain in the model-free voluntarily alter-conflict political and economic
guarantees under those playing as a class. Moreover, the crisis of legitimacy of the
political class as a whole drags PC and also to a lesser extent, because although it has
been affected in their ability to articulate the social field has leeway given the weak
Congenital left to which we referred.
Our strategic focus, however, recognizes that the current stage of class struggle is
framed in the search for alternatives that blunt processing in the realization of
proposals resolutely facing the neoliberal paradigm, being fragmented program outlines.
Contextual these policy proposals are in the area of ââdemocratic reforms and economic
character colliding with frameworks and institutional arrangements in place in
dictatorship, been established in light of the failure to progress made on structural reforms.
In a series of previous analyzes have concluded that the economic model works in its
structural limits, and thus reflecting the institutional appears as the only safeguard
your overflow, which explains precisely the impossibility of political reforms that would
allow the dismantling of the model, such as the establishment of a proportional electoral
system and a thorough reform of the party system.
Therefore, we consider that the neoliberal model is structurally irreformable under
institutional rules introduced in the dictatorship and perfected in the self-democratic
governments, thus overcoming alternatives by way of institutional Pinochet are absolutely
closed . Overall and beyond essentialist positions, electoral processes are useful only in
the national and public platform from which to reference the strategic and programmatic
aspects (parliamentary and presidential level), or at the local level also contribute to
the development of processes accumulation of power in terms of territory (local
governments and regional councils), as noted options are extremely limited for the
advancement of popular sectors, due to the limitations of the political and electoral
system. We argue that despite the reference building possibilities in terms hegemonic
institutional offer narrow margins, the only way to generate a new scenario that involves
overcoming the current stage of the class struggle in Chile, is the ability of popular
field to prejudice the interests of transnational monopoly capital and imperialism which
is only possible by generating a high degree of economic and political lawlessness. That
is why it is crucial in defining the political picture, mobilization and mass direct
action socially articulated in terms of a structural reform program containing both
sectoral and social demands to reform the political system with a clear socialist
orientation so as to generate the conditions for partial conquests are capitalized as an
expression of political conquest of the popular in historic breakthrough.
This process could generate a mass democratic opening frame incorporating substantive
institutional reforms that allow the shields to end dictatorial and thus open the way for
the dismantling of the model, which undoubtedly generate social and political settings
where different sectors popular field to deepen the socialist project dispute in all
areas, assuming the possibility to cover in terms of deeper institutional dispute.
This does not rule out other possibilities such as the opening focused on social reforms
without altering the institutional framework and that could lead to the assimilation of
large sectors of the population as part of an aggressive care, causing isolation tech
sectors; or systematic scenario straight blockade of popular struggle and resistance to
transformation by the power bloc that could generate up and fight radical social and
political regime deriving petrification even in a civil dictatorship.
We can not go deeper into the analysis, since there are many factors that come into play
as the political, economic and correlation of forces at national, continental and global
IV. Having said this, it is necessary to address the opportunities presented by the
current political scene, opened with municipal elections. The debut of the voluntary
voting electoral reforms and automatic enrollment, failed to convene the polls or the new
or the old electorate so that the outcome of the last election exploded in the face of
political pairing, in a context of instability expected social provide a broader base of
support for the project along with propinar triumphant defeat relocating the social field
"politics" to institutional channels.
This makes evident the limits of the elections, either as symbolic reaffirmation rite of
the ruling classes or in terms of tactics for a break from posing of institutional
participation, limited to this scenario.
While the pair suffered a partial defeat to the results of the last election, political
expressions appearing as independent binomial or broken off failed to eclipse the trend
towards concentration of the vote in the most conservative sectors of Chilean society, the
Alliance and the compact DC-PS . The electoral ritual wear as reaffirming political
dimension of the model appears to be deep, dragging in passing with bets like Equal and
other guiding its interest from institutional policy space but lack resonance in broad
sectors of the popular mobilized not However discursively express their demands.
The picture becomes more complex if we understand this situation as a game of two-stroke,
in which only the results of the next presidential election shall, by its importance, if
indeed what happened in October is definitely a trend or is explained by the low political
profile of the disputed city.
However, the partial defeat meant the combination that high abstention does not mean a
victory for the mobilized sectors or imply the possibility of capitalization policy of
this phenomenon, but it can become?
In August, high school students threatened to boycott the municipal elections of October
28 if not given satisfactory answer to your request. Beyond the scope of the
implementation of such threat, this message had the merit of installing in the political
debate at the people the need to act on stage and tighten contingent political positions
in sectors and social impact they had committed their interests in the current electoral
scenario (from right to equality), but in this context raises the need to develop a
proposal for greater projection that the call not to pay a vote, which means a qualitative
leap in the generation of the proposal libertarian politics.
The central axis, in this sense, is the need for program development processes are
overcrowded and strengthened, but as an expression of a strategic orientation of rupture.
And here we must be clear. The dissociation between the program and the strategic
direction will be functional only to the maintenance of the basismo own political inertia,
and in the worst case, the policy proposals are phagocytosed by policy expressions
attached to the model or by appealing to their reform disregarding the structural
conditions of the institutional framework.
The task is then to determine a floor program that brings together the social field
mobilized according to strategic orientation of democratic breakdown, since it will allow
us to address the democratic mobilized a proposal for political action against the 2013
electoral scenario that allows reference both the contents of our commitment as well as a
way to break the pattern and open a new stage in the class struggle in Chile.
This puts on the agenda the need to explore alternative tactics in their scope, determine
the limits for the implementation of each of them, and evaluate the various existing
political positions within the popular camp, which will also establish a correct policy of
These tasks require us as a political project to deepen our vocation majority, sustain us
in the correct strategic direction at the current stage of the class struggle in the
programmatic progress of our people and nationwide deployment of forces in order to guide
and gravitate decisively in the political process. This will enable the Libertarian Left
to emerge as a real alternative to contribute substantially articulating force in
building a socialist alternative to our people. In this trust and why we fight.
Arise and struggling
Libertarian Communist Organization of Chile
AnÃlisis de coyuntura de la OrganizaciÃn Comunista Libertaria
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