A-Infos (en) Chile, Analysis of the situation of the Libertarian Communist Organization (OCL) (ca) [machine translation]

I.  The slow process of resetting the popular camp was opened in 2006 as the student 
mobilizations milestone in 2011; mobilization process that failed to generate a wide arc 
of solidarity on the part of the population, for the first time since the dictatorship, 
was articulated massively in demand around this time pointed to structural aspects of 
neoliberal accumulation model, thereby exacerbating the crisis of representation for years 
reflected in surveys of various study centers attached to the dominant bloc. --- A fact to 
note is that under such circumstances, the student movement had the merit to overcome 
attempts by the  Coalition  and the  Communist Party  of institutionally channel it 
according to their own organizational restructuring in a context of crisis. Today, some 
fraction of that critical mass student often not capitalized politically by any appliance, 
has responded (in part) to attempts at institutional channeling of reformism.

Thus, somehow, the student movement has gained historical consciousness of their real 
allies and their own mistakes of the past, acting with a marked autonomy from political 
expressions attached to the power bloc, an issue that is expressed more visibility on high 
school students that college.
Our commitment but has tended to strengthen the independence movement as an expression of 
a buildup of forces to put in relief the role of mass struggle, also reaffirmed the need 
to equip ourselves as kind of programmatic development processes that represent a quantum 
leap in building a revolutionary social force. Thus in education we have supported since 
our insertion student union and peasant population with social organizations and social 
policies, program initiatives unpublished as  Social Congress for Education Project , an 
effort that is added to the contribution of our colleagues in the within the program 
development  Confech  and  Aces .
These efforts are taxed at the rate of transforming forces have contained, to some extent, 
the reflux of mobilization, also helped to avoid an apparent victory at the tactical 
level, which would involve a strategic defeat for the democratic possibilities that 
mortgaged organic reset the popular classes in a scenario of crisis of legitimacy of the 
political class and the emergence of a structural challenge to the neoliberal model.
However, the retaining ability is insufficient. The movement has been shown lacking tools 
to oppose an alternative to the alliance with the political parties given by reformism, 
which expresses in a second level of analysis that the movement can not go beyond a 
certain social inertia that blocks Popular creative processes, and, by contrast, remains 
with the old. We speak of a mass culture that is built upon a historical knowledge tied to 
the traditional reference, a situation that left revolutionary intent can not reverse. 
Talk to the proposed alliance with the political class with swipes of drowned 
interpellating any allies, "the whole people", to "unity with other sectors" to "workers 
and residents," while stating position that intentionality correct policy and useful at 
certain times as containment policy, refers to a reading of reality that does not provide 
very limited specific situation, organic and ideological of the working class and popular 
throughout the field, which is not overcome even the deepest loss arising from the 
military dictatorship.
The "other sectors" challenged, not only are des constituted, but also hardly escape 
embryonic expressions of a sector in its demands, which should lead us to wonder about the 
situation of the working class and its prospects. This sketch a quick look at your situation.
For example at union level, the development of a band class is precarious workers. Just 
look at the sustained increase in the number of strikes in recent times and is not 
indicative of a significant advance in the composition of a new labor movement, overcoming 
bureaucracy and the limitations of current legislation. However there is the effort of a 
small handful of organizations that has transcended the field and is making bets sectoral 
program. These grassroots organizations have supported efforts to converge on basic 
aspects protest, and persists even when the lack of political proposal and organic 
referentiality can take important steps from national initiatives and programmatic joint 
union as the  Congress for New Unionism .
In territorial terms, the demonstrations of  Calama, Freirina , and  Aysen , although 
allowed channel social demands according to a logic that puts the spotlight on the center 
of the organized community, are largely mediated by political intervention that at the 
municipal and parliamentary consultation and develop  PC  based on their corporate 
interests. At the level of territorial and functional organizations, the situation is no 
different, clientelist logic installed from 90 "naturally" channeled to the electoral 
stage and therefore the role of the base of support of various institutions who dispute 
concerning level community, is the only national sectoral organization of the field 
population - Fenapo - is stressed and absorbed by the electoral situation given the 
presence of referents that put this as centrality of political debate.
However the analysis of the concrete reality of this strip class people, it is necessary 
to understand the sources deal in the pop world (one broken and inorganic) that feed the 
politicization of the same. It is not accommodated in empty findings politicization of 
everyday life, but to understand that something exists and something changes in the 
world's deepest popular way or at any rate that feeds the drawings sectors constitution 
but high political strength and moral. In this sense, the complex task is to understand 
and align these processes with the proper polÃticoorgÃnico organizations of the 
revolutionary left, an issue that has to do precisely with substantially contribute to the 
projection of the working class as the driving force of change in our country.
II.  Failure of the student movement to find allies in the social world and the cyclical 
ebb own mobilization enabled the  Government  to make the discussion of the street and fit 
in parliament with the release of seven bills. This situation, which was read by many as a 
partial defeat, has also involved a restructuring internally, demonstrating in concrete 
terms that the student movement is the only segment and size (in terms of number of node 
crosses social and joints, such as those of Family, work, etc.). popular field that is 
able to reinstall again and again, and with rising radicalism in the proposals and action, 
the need to thoroughly transform the economic, political and social conditions in  Chile .
The present context refers to a movement yet retains a great endorsement of the 
population, above all political institutions, however, that capital is at risk if it fails 
to generate a break with ritual installed making progress basics. To acquire this requires 
a roadmap that articulates with the demands of short-term, but also show a way out of the 
current institutional and it must identify the character assumes the class struggle today, 
which necessarily forwarded to the impossibility of implementing structural reforms given 
the political institutions and economic education inherited from the dictatorship.
The lack of answers to these questions shows that despite the movement's demands are 
deeply political, it lacks the capacity to act politically, in other words, have clear 
objectives but can not move tactically, and this simply because our judgment fails to 
elucidate a strategy of rupture (your own class composition, its fledgling organic reset, 
among other reasons). Thus the movement apolitical, yesterday appeared as a great virtue 
and prestige to the debacle of the political class, can be extremely harmful, if we 
understand it as a disregard for the issue of power, forcing us to precisely reposition 
the political discussion and identify leak points to this general movement.
III.  The overall picture of the social field to which we referred, we face the task of 
reinstalling the political centrality in the discussion of popular organizations, which is 
essential to give our social force and the whole field of organic and social 
directionality that allows reference in all of the popular strategic guidance to overcome 
the current phase of the class struggle in Chile, which constitutes an alternative to the 
direction of reformism.
The strategic direction of reformism basically puts emphasis on the alteration of the 
correlation of forces in the field of political representation within the institutional 
framework of  Pinochet , which leads her to develop the thesis of a new type of government 
and thus a policy alliance with the Coalition that will generate the necessary reforms to 
open a new political cycle. The PC appeals to build a political bloc representing liberal 
or neoliberal classes to generate a process of democratic opening, but this reading is 
absolutely wrong. The progressive national bourgeoisie does not exist, since it has 
absolutely made ââfor their class interests in the current neoliberal accumulation 
pattern, as well as large sections of the petty and middle bourgeoisie production and 
services, while they may not appear objectively interested in maintaining the neoliberal 
project, subordinate classes overlap as the most internationalized fraction of the 
national bourgeoisie and transnational monopoly capital, under the current block in 
poder.Desde that standpoint, the strategic direction of the PC only could achieve 
aggiornamiento  or makeup on the model, since it is highly unlikely that the classes that 
stand to gain in the model-free voluntarily alter-conflict political and economic 
guarantees under those playing as a class. Moreover, the crisis of legitimacy of the 
political class as a whole drags PC and also to a lesser extent, because although it has 
been affected in their ability to articulate the social field has leeway given the weak 
Congenital left to which we referred.
Our strategic focus, however, recognizes that the current stage of class struggle is 
framed in the search for alternatives that blunt processing in the realization of 
proposals resolutely facing the neoliberal paradigm, being fragmented program outlines. 
Contextual these policy proposals are in the area of ââdemocratic reforms and economic 
character colliding with frameworks and institutional arrangements in place in 
dictatorship, been established in light of the failure to progress made on structural reforms.
In a series of previous analyzes have concluded that the economic model works in its 
structural limits, and thus reflecting the institutional appears as the only safeguard 
your overflow, which explains precisely the impossibility of political reforms that would 
allow the dismantling of the model, such as the establishment of a proportional electoral 
system and a thorough reform of the party system.
Therefore, we consider that the neoliberal model is structurally irreformable under 
institutional rules introduced in the dictatorship and perfected in the self-democratic 
governments, thus overcoming alternatives by way of institutional Pinochet are absolutely 
closed . Overall and beyond essentialist positions, electoral processes are useful only in 
the national and public platform from which to reference the strategic and programmatic 
aspects (parliamentary and presidential level), or at the local level also contribute to 
the development of processes accumulation of power in terms of territory (local 
governments and regional councils), as noted options are extremely limited for the 
advancement of popular sectors, due to the limitations of the political and electoral 
system. We argue that despite the reference building possibilities in terms hegemonic 
institutional offer narrow margins, the only way to generate a new scenario that involves 
overcoming the current stage of the class struggle in Chile, is the ability of popular 
field to prejudice the interests of transnational monopoly capital and imperialism which 
is only possible by generating a high degree of economic and political lawlessness. That 
is why it is crucial in defining the political picture, mobilization and mass direct 
action socially articulated in terms of a structural reform program containing both 
sectoral and social demands to reform the political system with a clear socialist 
orientation so as to generate the conditions for partial conquests are capitalized as an 
expression of political conquest of the popular in historic breakthrough.
This process could generate a mass democratic opening frame incorporating substantive 
institutional reforms that allow the shields to end dictatorial and thus open the way for 
the dismantling of the model, which undoubtedly generate social and political settings 
where different sectors popular field to deepen the socialist project dispute in all 
areas, assuming the possibility to cover in terms of deeper institutional dispute.
This does not rule out other possibilities such as the opening focused on social reforms 
without altering the institutional framework and that could lead to the assimilation of 
large sectors of the population as part of an aggressive care, causing isolation tech 
sectors; or systematic scenario straight blockade of popular struggle and resistance to 
transformation by the power bloc that could generate up and fight radical social and 
political regime deriving petrification even in a civil dictatorship.
We can not go deeper into the analysis, since there are many factors that come into play 
as the political, economic and correlation of forces at national, continental and global 
scale.
IV.  Having said this, it is necessary to address the opportunities presented by the 
current political scene, opened with municipal elections. The debut of the voluntary 
voting electoral reforms and automatic enrollment, failed to convene the polls or the new 
or the old electorate so that the outcome of the last election exploded in the face of 
political pairing, in a context of instability expected social provide a broader base of 
support for the project along with propinar triumphant defeat relocating the social field 
"politics" to institutional channels.
This makes evident the limits of the elections, either as symbolic reaffirmation rite of 
the ruling classes or in terms of tactics for a break from posing of institutional 
participation, limited to this scenario.
While the pair suffered a partial defeat to the results of the last election, political 
expressions appearing as independent binomial or broken off failed to eclipse the trend 
towards concentration of the vote in the most conservative sectors of Chilean society, the 
 Alliance  and the compact  DC-PS . The electoral ritual wear as reaffirming political 
dimension of the model appears to be deep, dragging in passing with bets like  Equal  and 
other guiding its interest from institutional policy space but lack resonance in broad 
sectors of the popular mobilized not However discursively express their demands.
The picture becomes more complex if we understand this situation as a game of two-stroke, 
in which only the results of the next presidential election shall, by its importance, if 
indeed what happened in October is definitely a trend or is explained by the low political 
profile of the disputed city.
However, the partial defeat meant the combination that high abstention does not mean a 
victory for the mobilized sectors or imply the possibility of capitalization policy of 
this phenomenon, but it can become?
In August, high school students threatened to boycott the municipal elections of October 
28 if not given satisfactory answer to your request. Beyond the scope of the 
implementation of such threat, this message had the merit of installing in the political 
debate at the people the need to act on stage and tighten contingent political positions 
in sectors and social impact they had committed their interests in the current electoral 
scenario (from right to equality), but in this context raises the need to develop a 
proposal for greater projection that the call not to pay a vote, which means a qualitative 
leap in the generation of the proposal libertarian politics.
The central axis, in this sense, is the need for program development processes are 
overcrowded and strengthened, but as an expression of a strategic orientation of rupture. 
And here we must be clear. The dissociation between the program and the strategic 
direction will be functional only to the maintenance of the basismo own political inertia, 
and in the worst case, the policy proposals are phagocytosed by policy expressions 
attached to the model or by appealing to their reform disregarding the structural 
conditions of the institutional framework.
The task is then to determine a floor program that brings together the social field 
mobilized according to strategic orientation of democratic breakdown, since it will allow 
us to address the democratic mobilized a proposal for political action against the 2013 
electoral scenario that allows reference both the contents of our commitment as well as a 
way to break the pattern and open a new stage in the class struggle in Chile.
This puts on the agenda the need to explore alternative tactics in their scope, determine 
the limits for the implementation of each of them, and evaluate the various existing 
political positions within the popular camp, which will also establish a correct policy of 
alliances.
These tasks require us as a political project to deepen our vocation majority, sustain us 
in the correct strategic direction at the current stage of the class struggle in the 
programmatic progress of our people and nationwide deployment of forces in order to guide 
and gravitate decisively in the political process. This will enable the  Libertarian Left 
 to emerge as a real alternative to contribute substantially articulating force in 
building a socialist alternative to our people. In this trust and why we fight.
Arise and struggling
Venceremos
Libertarian Communist Organization of Chile

Origin:
AnÃlisis de coyuntura de la OrganizaciÃn Comunista Libertaria
http://periodico-solidaridad.blogspot.co.il/2013/02/analisis-de-coyuntura-de-la.html
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