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(en) Portugal, Colectivo Libertario Evora (debate) - Leninism, Fascist Ideology (pt) [machine translation]

Date Tue, 19 Feb 2013 19:55:03 +0200

Because the real historical subject to the Leninists is not the class, but the party. This is a crazy avant garde brand of Leninism more anti-proletarian, since the one-party messianic idea is alien to Marx; comes from the bourgeoisie and Masonic carbonaria. Marx called party to the set of forces that fought for self-organization of the working class, not an authoritarian organization, illuminated, exclusive and hierarchical. ---- "Freeing humanity from the yoke of the State benefactor! It is remarkable to what extent the criminals nesting instincts in man. I say this clearly: criminals. Freedom and crime go so closely linked, if you prefer, as the movement of an aircraft and its speed. If the speed of the plane is zero, remains immobile, and man's freedom is null, do not commit crimes. It's clear. The only way to rid the man of crime is rid him of liberty "- Evgeni Zamiatin," We ", 1920.

The existence of sects imobilistas, more or less virtual, that claim is a matter of Lenin today more related neuroses assaulting individuals immersed in the conditions of modern capitalism than with the struggle of ideas to keep the rebels against the ideologues of ruling class. Time does not forgive and ultimate failure of Leninism occurred between 1976 and 1980 led believers who survived a schizophrenic survival. As I studied Gabel, the price to pay for their faith was a divided consciousness, a kind of split personality. On the one hand, reality belies the dogma to the smallest detail and, secondly, the interpretation vai militant twist it, store it and manipulate it to mold it to dogma and manufacture a Manichean narrative without contradictions. As if it were a Bible, in this narrative are all the answers. The fiction Leninist suppresses the anguish that the contradictions of practice engender in the believer, which is a powerful weapon to escape reality. The result would be pathetic to the rest of the living beings is rife within the debates of a militant proletariat, as the seventies, but given the current state of class consciousness, or what is the same, given the spectacular inversion of reality where "the real is only a moment of the false", the presence of sectarian Leninism in the few discussions made on the basis only contributes to the confusion.

The role of sects aim is to falsify history, hide reality, diverting attention from the real problems, sabotage reflection on the causes of the triumph of capitalism, blocking the formulation of appropriate tactics to fight, prevent finally rearmament theoretical the oppressed. Leninists fossilized today are no longer (because they can) against the vanguard of revolution 30 years ago or 60, but its function remains the same: work for those who rule as agents provocateurs.


In Lenin Leninist universe is the Virgin Mary, the working class of that talk is like Christianity. A Shiite Leninism, ie a Bordigist, lamented the web: "If we take the working class with what we?" In fact, for the Leninist working class has a ritual function, therapy if you want , psychological. It is an ideal entity, an abstraction, to whom we must take power. Invented by Lenin, Russian model from 1917, a working class minority in a country of feudal peasant population eminently accessible to a direction exterior composed of intellectuals organized as a party, is not something we see every day. It belongs to an obsolete past.


Since there is no story to Leninism after the taking of the Winter Palace, from the Russian Revolution seems that there were no significant victories or defeats, perhaps in a few stumbling invariable evolutionary line leading to a working class unpolluted, hoping the church fathers , its leaders, members of law "party." Because the real historical subject to the Leninists is not the class, but the party. This is a crazy avant garde brand of Leninism more anti-proletarian, since the one-party messianic idea is alien to Marx; comes from the bourgeoisie and Masonic carbonaria. Marx called party to the set of forces that fought for self-organization of the working class, not an authoritarian organization, illuminated, exclusive and hierarchical.

It is revealing that the Leninists see today the particular economic interests as class interests, when they are not, and that in the seventies, when they were, treated them as union affairs. The difference is that at that time, the proletariat fought their own way with their own weapons, the assemblies. That was what turned the partial demands in class requirements. But the Leninist proletarian really despise the forms of organization and struggle: the meetings, the committees elected and recallable, the imperative mandate, self-defense, the coordinators, the advice ... and despise them because, while forms of workers' power, ignore parties and annihilate the State, including the State "proletarian."

Therefore concealed as much as the media, the existence of Assembleario Movement during the 70s, because they are enemies of a real working class that does not look anything like her and hate, for obvious reasons, their specific organizational forms . Unlike Marx, to be a Leninist not determines consciousness, and it is therefore inculcate it through the apostolate of the leaders. The workers can not reach, according to Lenin, more than an awareness sindicaleira and must submit themselves to the role of mere performers, therefore, the unions that control and fall are the transmission belt of the party. This does not constitute an obstacle to the Leninist praise assemblies and councils if that enable them to exercise some influence and recruit supporters. During the 70's came to support them, but soon they felt betrayed them as strong, taking the differences, Lenin did with the Soviets.

The magazine "Living Marxism", animated by Paul Mattick, launched the phrase that "the struggle against Fascism begins with the struggle against Bolshevism." During the fifties capitalism evolved to models of totalitarian Soviet state capitalism. Today, when the communist bureaucratic class converted to capitalism and the world is dragged into a fascist domination via the technological Leninist ideology is residual, dusty and museographic. Not studying capitalism because this is not your enemy and therefore do not want to fight him. It just like garlic, repeat. The main activity of its sects is to compete with each other marking "a particular point that distinguishes the class movement" (Marx).


In Russia in 1905 there was no bourgeoisie, as the future ruling class, capable of launching the struggle against tsarism and the church. This mission corresponded to Russian intellectuals who sought support for their nationalist impulses in Marxism and met his best allies in the labor field. The Russian Marxism took a completely different direction of orthodox Marxism, because in Russia the historical work that was needed was to fulfill a bourgeoisie too weak: the abolition of absolutism and the construction of a national capitalism. Marx's theory, adopted by Kautsky and Bernstein, identified revolution with the development of the productive forces and the Democratic State correspondent, which favored a reformist praxis, although that could work in Germany, could not in Russia.

Although Lenin accept fully the social democratic revisionism of Marx knew that the task of the Social Democrats Bolsheviks to overthrow tsarism could not bring himself to cable without a revolution, which is needed to better forces than those of Russian liberals. A bourgeois revolution without bourgeois, and even more for, against them. The workers' revolt of 1905 left the wounded absolute regime and the revolution of 1917 ended with him. Although it was a revolution not working and peasant revolutionary program had no particular claims, by the representatives of the bourgeoisie occupied its place. The bourgeoisie was unable to live up to, while the proletariat politically instructed and became aware of its objectives, in no time the revolution lost its bourgeois character and adopted a decidedly proletarian profile.

During the months from July to August Lenin also advocated a bourgeois working with presence, but seeing the advance of the Soviets or workers councils changed direction and launched the slogan of power to the soviets, and included, came to theorize about the extinction of State. But the idea of ââhorizontal power was alien to Lenin, who had organized a party based on the military model bourgeois, vertical, centralized, always deciding from above, with the direction and base strongly separated.

If he was in favor of the Soviets was to instrumentalize them and seize power. Its primary function is not the development of the Soviets, who had no place in his system, was the conversion of the Bolshevik party in a state bureaucratic apparatus, the introduction of bourgeois authoritarianism in the exercise of power and representation. To the Soviets, the protagonists of the October revolution, in short time they were taken by a State power "proletarian" who could not destroy.

The Bolsheviks fought on behalf of "the dictatorship of the proletariat", the implementation of workers' control and revolution in the workshops and factories, and in general, the manifestation of the will sovereign bodies working in direct democracy. In 1920 he had finished with the proletarian revolution and the Soviets were no longer than organisms castrated decorative. The last bastions of the revolution, the sailors of Kronstadt and Makhno army were annihilated later.

Lenin, power, and cutting edge party

While destroying the soviets, the Bolshevik emissaries landed in Germany, where the councilism had awakened in the masses of workers and the advice was to the point of becoming effective organs of proletarian power, to give it a stab in the back to the revolution. Everywhere decried the Workers' Councils and proposed a return to the corrupt unions and the social democratic party. The German revolution councilist fell under the weight of slander, intrigue and isolation caused by the Bolsheviks About his ashes can reconstitute itself, with the blessing of Lenin, the old social democracy and the rule of German postwar. Lenin no longer fight the defenders of the council system covering the swearing in of leaflet favorite of all his followers. "Leftism, childhood disease of communism." Then dropped his mask. Choking with falsehoods communists and left-wing councils, Lenin defended his pseudosocialsimo panrusso that, put into practice by Stalin would prove to be a new type of fascism. Not far conceived that the release ds oppressed could only be effected by the destruction of power, whether of terror, fear, threats, constraints.

Everyone who wish to enthrone the bourgeois order find the best position to do so in the absolute separation between masses and leaders, and the vanguard class, party and trade unions. Lenin wanted a bourgeois revolution in Russia and formed a party perfectly suited to this task, but the Russian Revolution acquired a character of labor and gave out their plans. Lenin had to overcome with the Soviets and then win against them. Communism more electrification gave way to the NEP and Stalin's five-year plans, giving rise to a new form of capitalism, in which a new class, bureaucracy, played the role of the bourgeoisie. It was state capitalism. In Europe, the working masses were fought, discouraged and pushed up desmoralizarem defeat and lose confidence in themselves, this path that led to the submission and Nazism. Hitler came to power easily because the social democratic and Stalinist leaders had corrupted both the German proletariat which he had no doubts surrender easily. "Fascism gray, red fascism" was the title of a pamphlet in which Otto memorable RÃlhe showed that fascism of Stalinist Leninism yesterday was just the day before yesterday. We are inspired by him to the title of this article.


Written by Miguel AmorÃs (Valencian anarchist historian and activist)

Source: http://metiendoruido.com/2013/02/leninismo-ideologia-fascista/
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