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(en) France, Organisation Communiste Libertarie CA #226 - African policy Holland: a trompe l'oeil .. until when? (fr) [machine translation]

Date Wed, 23 Jan 2013 10:52:39 +0200


It's been over six months since the Socialists and their green allies settled in their seats ministries. Among the promises displayed different policies compared to those conducted by the right that included an overhaul of Franco-African relations. However, despite some statements and some symbolic gestures, we can only conclude that nothing decisive is likely to change in this policy. ---- The end of the FranÃafrique, a story that stutters ... For those who have forgotten, the discourse of "rupture" with the policy FranCafrican are nothing new. This is almost 30 years promoted the new power in France have made ââsuch a statement. It was first with Jean Pierre Cot to the Ministry of Development Cooperation after the victory of the left in 1981, but had to resign in December 1982 for trying to make this ministry neocolonial else one of the pillars the "backyard" of France in Africa (at a time when the term FranÃafrique was not used).

More recently, in August 2007, shortly after the arrival of Sarkozy who stated his desire to "break" with "networks of another time," we still remember the tragicomic episode of ejection Bockel the Secretary of State for Cooperation after claiming proclaim "the death certificate of FranÃafrique." Even the Jospin government came to power in 1997 did nothing more than retail reforms such as a system of cooperation in decline in the 1990s and the reduction of the military presence with the closure of two bases while in Central socialists like Quiles, at the head of the commission information on Rwanda in 1998, had constantly to overlook the French complicity in the genocide of Tutsis.

Promises break variable geometry ...

In the months before the election of Holland, we have read a number of contributions from the "experts" of PS on the issue of African politics to come. Among the points of rupture with the system FranÃafrican announced, there were some key issues including: the permanent military presence (with the maintenance of French bases in Africa or the Epervier Chad in place since 1986), that the franc zone (which involves a fixed exchange rate system and a renunciation of monetary sovereignty for African States), or the amount and content of official development assistance. During the presidential campaign, it is Koffi Yamgnane who was responsible for bringing the discourse of rupture. He announced the next program after the election in May 2012: "Taking stock uncompromising 50 years of ambiguous relationships, illustrated by FranÃafrique; launch a truth about the politics of the French public aid to development, refounding the relations with Africa on a sound basis (...), take into account the democratic imperative on the continent participate in strengthening the collective security in Africa, even if the definition of the architecture of continental defense comes first organizations regional and subregional organizations. "For its part, the PS candidate announced March 11 at a press conference that it would implement" cooperation rid of old forms inherited from the post-colonial period. " We can already note that these positions have focused on stand management legacy FranÃafrican Sarkozy and they remained in the dark when it came to define the precise contours of another policy.

Symbolic gestures that have not been through ...

After the election of Holland, the first African head of state has been received Yayi Boni of Benin in the head who also chairs the African Union. Contrasting with the campaign speech of PS bursting with FranÃafrique, Holland merely advocate for "good governance, growth and economic development and stability and security." Moreover, if the receiving Yayi Boni appeared consistent with campaign promises not to receive the Elysee French-African dictators or visit them, we saw later that promise was worth with the receipt of Ali Bongo at the Elysee Palace on July 5. Then, in October, the first African trip to Holland seems to have been designed to restore some credibility to this concern of stand management FranCafrican its predecessors. He chose to stop in Dakar before leaving the summit of la Francophonie to Kinshasa. The first stop was to pay tribute to a "model country" for successfully for the second time a "democratic alternative" to evoke the colonial past of France with the promise of open archives concerning the massacre of Thiaroye and especially to do the opposite of the famous Dakar speech of Sarkozy in 2007.

In Kinshasa, where he delivered on 13 October for the summit of the Francophonie, Holland has also received the historic leader of the opposition Etienne Tshisekedi and paid tribute to the memory of Chebeya, activist human rights murdered by securocrats the Kabila regime. But this scene on the commitment to human rights in Africa has shown its limits in early December when Holland, after some hesitation, finally received a very official Idriss Deby, whose power was characterized over two decades, for repeated violations of human rights as reflected in the abduction and disappearance in 2008 of Mahatma Ibni Saleh by the men of his presidential guard. This policy of "two weights, two measures" appears even more clearly in the attitude of Foreign Minister Fabius, who during his first trip to Africa at the end of July was first visited Senegal, where he met the same group "Hits sick" which was spearheading the protests against former President Wade, then two dictators to legitimize French-African, Blaise Compaorà of Burkina Faso and Idriss DÃby of Chad . In his suite, he even led this trip Loncle a parliamentary socialist FranÃois 'friend' Compaorà regime, and Pascal Canfin Minister "green" Managing Development. This will he longer than its predecessors, and Cot Bockel, or prefer he resign rather than swallow other snakes franÃafricaines. In the meantime, when he announces official development assistance "more transparent" and "more efficient", we can see that the budget of his ministry is relative decline and the level of ODA should be achieved by 2015 only 0 48% of GDP is well below the 0.7% threshold set in 1992 at the Rio Summit (source: Oxfam-France).

BASICALLY A RELATIONSHIP AND MAINTAINED LESS AND LESS OPERATING

What emerges beyond a few symbolic gestures and words still contradictory, especially regarding the colonial past of France (as we have seen with the recent episode of the visit to Holland in Algeria) is again , maintaining the status quo, lack of a real desire to break which should include the Socialists by questioning the tutelary figure of Mitterrand who bears a heavy responsibility in the perpetuation of this system FranÃafrican and its dire consequences as complicity with the genocidal Hutu in Rwanda in 1994. In addition, we can see that this recognition (relative) of the colonial past always seems linked to some international balance of power and ulterior motives of the "economic diplomacy" (a euphemism for not saying "the service of large French companies "). For the rest, Africans queuing for a visa at the counter of French consulates are not probably no illusions about this change of personnel policy at the head of the French state. However, this system of Franco-African relations is permanently in crisis. It is perceived economic competition with emerging countries which penetrate markets and invest progressively in the countries of the franc zone, despite the presence of large firms still essential especially in the French infrastructure (BollorÃ, Eiffage, Orange etc.. ).

Can be seen more openly with the political and military crises that shake the "backyard" Francophone CAR, CÃte d'Ivoire and Mali in particular. France intervened directly in CÃte d'Ivoire in 2010 to impose cannon a "winner" elections but we see that two years later, the situation is far from being standardized. In Mali, the reconquest of the North by a military operation conducted by ECOWAS forces supported by France is returned more indefinitely. Such difficulty involved is explained by the reluctance of some neighboring countries such as Algeria, but also indicates the profound nature of the French military in Africa used to maintain power (or reverse) of the African Heads of State rather than 'to come to the aid of people in Africa fell under the sway of a few hundred Islamist fighters ...
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