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(en) Anarkismo.net: Working class and Portugal in the chronicles of Neno Vasco by Thiago Silva Lemos - Collective anarchist World (pt) [machine translation]

Date Thu, 17 Jan 2013 13:27:28 +0200

the day-to-day strikes rural and urban areas during the 1911-12 biennium I bring this work to light the chronicles of Neno Vasco, originally published in the anarchist press and working in Brazil and Portugal, and later published in his book The Door of Europe in 1913, about the relationship between the working class and woven Portuguese Republic during the strikes occurred in rural and urban biennium 1911-1912. From your writing cronÃstica, we intend to discuss how workers and Republicans behaved after the fall of the monarchy, a fact that could not be contemplated without considering the union tactic of these two important social forces from the political scene lusitano.-- Introduction -- There is no shortage there anarchists [...] smart, dedicated and sincere. There are so little disjointed. In SÃo Paulo, for example, left with profound nostalgia, a cordial and amiable, and only minor issues without free range - which would be superhuman - at least clear of low intrigue, frank and friendly. Do not know the guy who has abandoned without real regret [...] (VASCO, 1911).

Writing these lines would be to chronicle published n 'The Seeding [1], Neno Vasco [2] revealed to the readers of the journal Lisbon dismay to leave the companions with whom he shared for a decade, militancy in Brazil [3]. In early 1911, when Neno decided to return to Portugal, he was an activist well known inside and outside the circles of militant anarchist and working class, had married Mercedes Moscoso [4], the father of three children: Cyrus, Fantina, Ondine [5], and had a steady job as a translator of languages ââ in commercial places of St. Paulo.Neno believed, however, that his return to Portugal would facilitate contact with other anarchist figures from the European continent and thus could contribute more dynamically and effectively with action and propaganda at international level. Neno felt that with the fall of the monarchy and establishment of the Republic, should not postpone his return and thereby extend further a project that has haunted him for a long time.

Once completed the Atlantic crossing aboard the steam Dutch Friesland, on May 4, 1911, and Vasconcelos Moscoso family settled in Lisbon. Once ashore, Neno Vasco sought as soon as possible, reconnect with Hilary Marques, editor of The Seeding. Although, it seems, Neno and Marques never met personally, the epistolary exchange between the two, which refers to the period when he still lived in Brazil, seems to have generated a great bond of affinity between the two. It was thanks to this contact Marques, scrupulously maintained for nearly ten years, he could garner some space in leaves anarchists and workers in the Portuguese press. Now, however, he would get a much higher visibility.

Without change, too, the ideological d 'The Seeding, he encountered many difficulties in order to align the editorial profile of this monthly periodical, which, at that juncture, already strode towards the union movement. [6] Neno Vasco via this magazine, as seen in the magazine who directed Aurora in Brazil, the most appropriate way for the disclosure and dissemination of anarchism among the working classes:
[...] Insisting on this route, the work performed was to meet an obstinate quest undertaken by him, from which the ideological propaganda (the unions) associated with a shrewd analysis of the changes [...], would permit the laying the foundations for the organization of a strong anarchist movement and chances of lasting social leadership (Samis, 2009, p. 258).
From the long and fruitful conversations woven afternoons inside the tavern known by the alias of "Red Beans" meeting of employees of that magazine, Neno would be acquainting the main events in his homeland during the nearly 10 years that he absent. The news before received only by letters, flesh and life earned from oral reports made by new companions on the boiling generated in the Portuguese population because implantation of the Republic on 05 October of the previous year [7]. Gradually the "stunning" generated by the long trip and spent Neno not feel more "foreign country" (VASCO, 1913, p. 17). Possibly, these conversations have become a stimulus for Neno wrote on May 15, 1911, a chronicle about the process that led the Portuguese to put an end to dynastic regime that ruled the country for nearly eight centuries:
[...] What could already see and hear came not only confirm the belief that I brought from there formed as the stability of the Republic: that the Republic has long life and the restoration of monarchical century has passed. The monarchy no longer find evidence of life or the environment within the country, or the political and social atmosphere of Europe and the world (VASCO, 1913, p.17).
I bring this work to light the chronicles of Neno Vasco, originally published in the anarchist press and working in Brazil and Portugal, and later published in his book The Door of Europe in 1913 [8], on the relationship between the woven working class and the Portuguese Republic, during the strikes occurred in rural and urban biennium 1911-1912. From your writing cronÃstica, we intend to discuss how workers and Republicans behaved after the fall of the monarchy, a fact that could not be contemplated without considering the union tactic of these two important social forces from the political scene lusitano.
The establishment of the Republic and the correlation of political forces among social classes in Portugal

What Neno led to believe that the Republic seems to enjoy a long life, while the monarchy no longer find more elements of living in Portugal? By analyzing the correlation of political forces among social classes present in the process that enabled the construction of the Republic, the columnist argued that there was no other country on the European continent in more suitable conditions for the establishment of the new regime.

The aristocratic class, had lost any ability to sketch some resistance. Due mainly wear the Constitutional Monarchy [9] had been suffering in recent years, due to the inability to accept the reforms claimed by population, this class had little or even no representation in society, having fallen more for the Monarchy "coldness of his supporters" than the "momentum of his attackers" (VASCO, 1913, p.21). Even attempts at counter-revolution carried out by former captain Paiva Couceiro deserve any attention. This, despite showing some "bravery in combat," was "null policy". Couceiro represented in his opinion "a poorly investigated phenomenon of political psychology", present in almost all periods of transition from monarchical to republican regimes regimes, where it shows a sort of "contrast between the character and timing," in which the "sublime "yesterday would become the" ridiculous "today. Thus, attempts to Couceiro, inspiring him away from any "uncontrollable anger" would raise before "smiles of pity" (VASCO, 1913, p, 20).

Neno Second, in all countries where capitalism prevailed, the bourgeoisie had already demonstrated their predilections by the Republic over the monarchy, and even if she had not done, was precisely:
[...] Because it fears that victory is snatched from her hands by the advanced part of the industrial proletariat. And because at least is concerned that, having little or a lot of appeal for the people, by more careful and disciplined to be a revolution, this exceeds the limits marked beforehand, and appear threatening and firmly planted the social [...] Where But the bourgeoisie can pass unscathed cable stormy political transformation, which cleared once and the state machine of anachronistic survivals, handing it all over to the political class, where she can quietly try the adventure, thanks to a lack proletariat organized socialist tendencies, then all she willingly adheres to the new regime, abandoning the mystical longing past the palace and clerical (VASCO, 1913, p.226-227).
Although divided into various fractions, the bourgeoisie would have been the class that most helped and was helped with the new regime. Because of the little industrial development in Portugal, the high bourgeoisie seemed "more or less indifferent to the new forms of government" and "seemed to march their interests according to general opinion" (VASCO, 1913, p.18) The small bourgeoisie, already in the process of proletarianization, do not seem so different. As for the middle bourgeoisie, the situation was different. For the chronicler, the Republic "was her work and for her", since the reforms implemented by the new regime would have responded, almost entirely, to their interests as social class, or by his "numerical importance," either by their "Independence material" (VASCO, 1913, p.19).

Once the social question was not yet "firmly planted in Portugal", the working class, is leaving "by wrapping democratic promises," could not separate their interests from those of the bourgeoisie, and, therefore, supported since the turn of the century nineteenth to the twentieth century to fight the Republicans. According to him:
[...] The promises that Republicans had been forced to make the people, the popular naive illusion of greater freedom, the solemn declaration of the right to strike, all this, of course, contributed to the resurgence of unions (VASCO, 1913 , P236-237).
These promises, along with the political experience that the working classes had accumulated during the struggle against the monarchy, however provoked an extraordinary (re) birth of the trade union movement and a general intensification of the conflict between capital and labor after the proclamation of the Republic. After decades of support for Republicans, workers began to fight for their own interests. This was a clear sign that something had shaken the lethargy and awakened class consciousness of those workers who, if any, seemed to be asleep.

Since 1906, most unions had lost their expressiveness in that workers are left to absorb the most exciting prospect of the Republican Revolution. Significantly, in 1910, the four unions with over one hundred members: Construction of the Port, the Maritime and Welders SetÃbal and Lisbon Textile Workers, had only one seat in Lisbon. However, the advent of the Republic become appreciably this picture. In July of 1911 there were already 356 unions in Portugal, most of which had been founded or revived after October 1910. The geographical distribution has also undergone some transformations (PULIDO, 1972, p. 249-250).

Rebirth of the labor movement certainly: but of which union is about? First, it is necessary to retain that one is not talking of any union, but rather the union as conceived by revolutionary syndicalism, whose strategy of struggle Portuguese roots in the labor movement undoubtedly predates the establishment of the Republic, but whose process irradiation, coincidentally, happens with the establishment of the new political regime in Lusitanian lands. During this process of (re) birth of the trade union movement, anarchists played a not inconsiderable, being ahead of resistance organizations and quickly overtaking the Socialists, who until hegemonizavam the labor movement, but that would be progressively isolated and marginalized by the new dynamics assumed by the union movement. The Socialists remained active only in the few organizations existing mutuals, who were more attuned to his reformist strategy, which began to go down the parliamentarism. The transition from one strategy to another, as well as the role played by anarchists and socialists in this process, is placed by John Freire as follows:

With a direct speech and aggressive (for bosses and large landowners) anarchists could quickly grow its influence on the layers salaried, boosting strikes and other direct actions and proposing workers take their destiny into their own hands [. ..] this period, in revenge, the influence of socialists diminishes considerably: they will become clear minority in the labor movement and come to the gears of political power only through negotiations with Republicans and not for recognition of the electorate. The union was undeniably the most active social force in the country (Freire, 2009, p. 94-95).

While engaged with anarchist revolutionary syndicalism, which preaches, so the worker's direct action outside and against the state, which Neno hoped the newly formed Republic? What Neno hoped the new regime decided that this was not a social issue. According to him, the social question could never be resolved in a capitalist society, regardless of the political regime that this would take. In your opinion:
[...] No reform that respects the existing property regime, which let stand the wage system and the division of society into economic classes, may be the solution of the social problem, not the class that holds the economic and political power if dispossess himself own or leave easily expropriate its privileges, sure and certain, as much as you speak of socializing the means of production and reorganization of society to make the most of all (VASCO, 1913, p.235).
Neno Second, even if the Republicans occupy it, but they did not do in order to aggrandize superficial reforms, whose purpose was to regulate and circumscribe rights that were hard-won by the direct action of workers. Actually, what he expected of the Republic was to respect basic democratic rights, essential to the labor movement, such as:
[...] Freedom of assembly, speech and association (freedom indeed mean well, by deprivation of economic means), the right to strike is not intimidating sofismado by military measures, the death penalty in full without square trial disorganize the violence on the pretext of keeping order (VASCO, 1913, p.236).
Put another way: Neno expected from the Republic that "it was [...] not what she could not be."
The Republican reaction before the strikes of 1911-1912 rural and urban

But the extent to which the Republic was what it should be according to the anarchist, I mean, to what extent she respected democratic freedoms? Once the first strikes began to swarm in Portugal, Republicans took an opposite position with regard to workers.

But here soon, wrote Neno Vasco, our Republicans distressed, hand on head, hey them to manufacture a draconian regulation that, if applied, would make always fatal defeat of the strikers, hey them to employ every means of coercion intimidation and in all important movements (VASCO, 1913, p.236-2370).

This draconian regulation which alludes Neno is the decree regulating the right to strike. Once established, the new regime regulating the right to strike, however, raised a number of obstacles which aimed to control the radius of action of the strikers. The "decree banter" as quickly became known in the press and anarchist workers, demanded that workers warned us at least one week in advance their intention to paralyze the work. As explained in the section that Neno noted above, the decree did not differ and alter almost anything in the right of workers to strike. On the one hand, if the decree was obeyed, it would be sufficient by itself to defeat the strikers. On the other, if disobeyed, the government intervened violently with the pretext of defending the law, thereby directly benefiting the bosses. In that regard, he vaticinava to argue that:

Representing the interests of the middle class, for the Republic, the middle classes are all the people, and their interests are the interests of all. Your republic is something sacrosanct, and so is the freedom and salvation of all, so lightly disturb the tranquility of the drive is falling and digest the most heinous crime. What more do you want? We did the Republic, an instrument of reform, we satisfy the aspirations of modern democracy, we renew much of the personal and bureaucratic coreligionist put good number of friends, create new places [...] what more do they want? (VASCO, 1913, p.32-33).

The rural and urban strikes occurred during the biennium de1911-1912, which Neno croniciou with extreme care, this amply testify. According to him, from June 1911 begins in Ãvora, SantarÃm, Coruche and other inland cities alentejano a series of general strikes carried out by different categories of rural proletariat: harvesters, dairy and diggers, towards a series of claims: priority hiring for those who resided in the locality in which they worked, the end cost of living, restriction of the use of agricultural machinery, reduction of working hours and the stipulation of a minimum wage.
Among all claims, emphasized that Neno is alluding to that stipulation of the minimum wage, perhaps due to the particularities assumed by relations between capital and labor in the Alentejo region, which was constantly subjected to seasonal crises, which prevented with workers obtain some regular occupation throughout the year. In this sense, they believed that the existence of a fixed salary and paid minimally so piecemeal, to allow that supported the fall season unfit for work and did not have to wait until spring, when weather conditions become possible again for your return plowing and harvesting (PEREIRA, 1983, p. 487).
Even in the wake of the promises made in the period preceding October 05, rural workers, believing that the government would address their demands for "democratic way", organized the strike in accordance with all required by law dictates that the regulated. Despite adhering to the protocol, the initiative of the strikers was not viewed favorably by the government unleashed a fierce process of persecution and repression of workers. In a chronicle written some time after, precisely on February 04, 1912, Neno put in evidence, with all the irony peculiar to him, the contrast of actions taken by a thread and the other in the immediate outbreak of the strike.
Long live the Republic! And the associations were soon closed. Long live the Republic! And the city banished cavalry groups submissive, chasing them for miles. Long live the Republic! And the representatives of the strikers, Republican of old date, came to the prisons of Lisbon. Long live the Republic! And beached by the bullets of the Republican Guard fell one dead and several wounded, one of whom, on January 31, 1891, faced in defense of republican aspiration, mesmissa repression with the epithet monarchist (Vasco, 1913, p.138).
Even under strong climate of violence hanging in the air, thanks to the strikers mobilizations that occurred in 1911, the claim concerning the minimum wage has been met. However, not all employers fulfill what was agreed. This led workers of Ãvora, where the agreement had not been met, go on strike again in January 1912. Although the claim that led to it were the same, things have gone up in another plane, mainly because of the new configuration that the relationship between the Republic and the workers began to take over.
For that converged the violent reaction of the state, the experience accumulated during the strike held last year, and also the closeness between unionists and rural urban trade unionists from the mediation Carlos Rates. As a result of discussions during the course of the Second Congress Syndicalist, May 1911, was considered a resolution that called for the creation of a secretariat tour coordinated by Rates, in order to conduct a propaganda tour the Alentejo, which contributed to the unions were better structured, but others were created, giving them a higher profile tending to revolutionary syndicalism (Samis, 2009, p.239).
In accordance with the actions taken so far, the government has again unleashed a systematic process of persecution and repression of peasants in Ãvora, closing unions without any justification and threatening the implementation of similar procedures in other associations, which perhaps allowed the meeting strikers. Because of the wave of repression that befell farmers in Ãvora, Lisbon workers joined the movement for a general strike in solidarity with the workers of that part of the Alentejo. Similar movements arose and raged in Setubal, Coimbra and other cities. Given the strength of this movement acquired in the field and in the city, the government redoubled violence. In Lisbon, where he concentrated the largest number of urban workers on strike, constitutional guarantees were suspended and the state of siege declared for 30 days. As a result, workers entrenched in Union House, where coordinated strike, were surrounded by army forces which, making use of a strong artillery, tried to intimidate the strikers (Samis, 2009, p.294-295).

Neno Second, the government's justification for such violence was that Portugal was going through a time when everyone should sacrifice himself so that the Republic had the time to consolidate itself as an institution. While not "everyone was served," nobody "would have the right to be served by their own hands," for impatience was taken as evidence of "treason monarchic" (VASCO, 1913, p.33). The need to Neno had to emphasize this was not fortuitous. The idea that unionists and allied royalists had to (re) build the Monarchy in Portugal had become a fact, or rather, a ghost who haunted the Republicans for a long time, and is thus the touchstone from which built up the political repression of the new regime.

In this sense, the chronicler puts the question to the reader: there might be some connection between these two segments, as distinct from one another? In his opinion, no. But between monarchists and republicans themselves perhaps, since many of them had come from own Monarchy, "not without great effort and profound change." This leads to the conclusion "at first sight paradoxical" that the union "would be more Republican than the Republicans own official and unofficial" fight for respect for the rights they claimed to have given, but the flagrantly disregarded. To strengthen the hypothesis that there was no connection between unionists and royalists, he argued not crave:
[...] The time to return a misunderstanding when to found the Republic, the proletariat forgot organization and class struggle, whereas today, untrammeled terrain that political issue, the Republic's experience in making their work (VASCO, 1913, p.19).

In his view, the Portuguese Republic nothing should be expected, not only because he believed that she would be unable to resolve the social question, but because what could be more positive in a bourgeois democratic hypothetically, that is respect for basic freedoms, the Portuguese Republic seemed unable to offer. But if Neno not expect the Republic to solve social issue, nor that she would respect basic freedoms, there would still be something that one would expect from her? The only thing he believed he could expect was the disappointment of the Republic workers, a fact that seems to have resonated strongly among them the final analysis of rural and urban strikes occurred during the biennium 1911-1912.
Workers were filled to rely on legislative nostrums and promises of politicians and bosses. Suffered the cruelest disappointments. Saw the collapse of utopias democratic government. There emptiness and ineffectiveness of legal reforms. And why go to war. Go to war and receive blows naturally. But also vibrate. Inattentive show the world, with a brutal jolt, the strength of their marriage, the importance of their social role and the justice of their cause. Make themselves aware of its value and its power (VASCO, 1913, p.152).
As the chronicler of diagnosis, in addition to eradicate any illusion as to the Republic, the content definitely classist assumed by the new government, strengthened and carried forward the idea, dear to revolutionary syndicalism, that workers could not count only on their action itself, directly and autonomously. As a result of this observation is that Neno Vasco will enter and establish themselves in the labor movement since the Portuguese, finding the union strategy of direct action to operationalize a mobile social changes he and other anarchists intended effect.

Thiago Lemos Silva has a degree in History at Unipam (Centro Universitario de Patos de Minas) and MA in History from the UFU (Universidade Federal de UberlÃndia), an elementary school teacher in private and public member of the Collective World anarchist.


[1] Over Seeding see: Freire, 1981.

[2] Neno Vasco actually pseudonym Gregory Nazianzen Moreira de QueirÃs Vasconcelos was born in Penafiel, northern Portugal, on May 9, 1878 and died on September 15, 1920 in Sao Romao do Coronado near Porto. -Historical Dictionary of Biographical (s) Anarchism (s) in Brazil, 2000, P103. Neno Vasco started using this pseudonym only after his admission to the anarchist movement and workers in Portugal, around 1900. Before, went by his given name. Great Encyclopedia and Brazilian Portuguese. S / D, p.306.

[3] However, this did not mean that his activism in Brazil has pending. For, even after he returned to Portugal, Neno continued to participate in the anarchist press and interact with the Brazilian labor movement. In fact, Neno believed that closer ties between the anarchist movement and workers in Brazil and Portugal, it was of paramount importance to construct different strategies, where all countries, ignoring the boundaries created by the State, is to institute a federalizariam pean capitalist free society. True to this demarche internationalist, he served for nearly a decade, so join fellow located on this side of the Atlantic and there. In this regard see: SILVA, 2012.

[4] Neno Vasco married Mercedes Moscoso in 1905. -Historical Dictionary of Biographical (s) Anarchism (s) in Brazil, 2000, p. 103.

[5] Cyrus was born in 1908, was born in 1908 and Fantina Ondina in 1910. That if we except his son Dino, who died shortly after birth in 1909. -Historical Dictionary of Biographical (s) Anarchism (s) in Brazil, 2000, p. 103.

[6] Despite its engagement with the revolutionary syndicalist strategy, it is necessary to underline that Neno never placed any confidence in "intrinsic virtues" of unionism, and much less endorsing its corollary: "syndicalism is sufficient unto itself," as did the anarchist unionists. Assuming that the organization can be working both as a conservation tool of bourgeois social revolution, he feared that the "spirit corporatist" could overlap the "revolutionary spirit", making the "class struggle" suffocate "the struggle class ". The example of anarcho-communism, he thought essential to the existence of a specifically anarchist organization, which should act inside and outside the unions in order to prevent this from happening, without, however, being carried away by the temptation to impose anarchism as there a kind of official doctrine. VASCO, Neno. Anarchism or union. Voice of the Worker. Rio de Janeiro, 05/01/1914.

[7] The establishment of the Republic in Portugal was the result of a coup d'etat carried out by the Republican Party with the support of other political forces, on 05 October 1910, which overthrew the monarchy. For this, collaborated dissatisfaction of the population against the subjugation of Portugal to British interests, the power of the Church, the expenses of the royal family, the instability of the economy and especially the fact that Portugal was lagging behind other countries Europeans. View: Catroga, 2010.

[8] The book chronicles published in Gate of Europe in 1913 overlying the period 1911 to 1912. This is a team that focused on major media outlets anarchist and working in Brazil and Portugal, by which circled much of the literary production of Neno Vasco in the period after his crossing to the other side of the Atlantic. The initial script of the book begins with the newspaper The Lantern (1911-1916), of St. Paul. From Rio de Janeiro and Porto Alegre, have respectively chronicles published in newspapers The Social War (1911-1912) and The Diary (1909-1912). The chronicles published in magazines Aurora (1910-1920), the Port, and The Sowing (1908-1913) Lisbon close this script.

[9] A constitutional monarchy was established in Portugal in 1820 with the liberal revolution, known as "vintismo." Since then, the system of representation of cuts divided into three orders of the kingdom: clergy, nobility and people, has been replaced by a parliamentary assembly. View: Sardica, 2003.

Catroga, Fernando The Republicanism in Portugal: From Training to 5 October. Lisbon: Casa das Letras, 2010.
-Historical Dictionary of Biographical (s) Anarchism (s) in Brazil. UberlÃndia, Mimeo, 2000.
Freire, John Influences de la Charte d'Amiens et du syndicalisme rÃvolutionnaire sur le mouvement ouvrier au Portugal, In: Miguel Chueca (ed.), Le syndicalisme rÃvolutionnaire, it charte d'Amiens et l'autonomie ouvriÃre, Paris, CNT- RP, 2009.
_______. The Seeding of arsenalista Hilary Marques Social Analysis, Lisbon, 67/68, 1981.
Great Encyclopedia and Brazilian Portuguese. VASCONCELOS (of Nazianzus). Lisbon / Rio de Janeiro: Encyclopedia Editorial Ltda. S / D
PEREIRA, Ana Paula de Brito. The rural strikes of 1911-1912 through the press Social Analysis, No. 77/78/79, Lisbon, 1983.
PULIDO, Vasco. The Republic and the working classes (October 1910-August 1911). Social Analysis. Lisbon, No. 34.1972.
Samis, Alexandre. My country is the whole world: Neno Vasco, Anarchism and Revolutionary Syndicalism in Two Worlds. Lisbon: Free Lyrics, 2009.
Sardica, Josà Miguel. The Vintismo before the Church and Catholicism. Penelope - Magazine of History and Social Sciences, n. # 27, Oeiras, Celta Editora, June 2003.
SILVA, Thiago Lemos. Biographical Fragments of an Anarchist at the Door of Europe: cronÃstica writing as writing itself in Neno Vasco. Thesis (MA in History), UFU, UberlÃndia, 2012.
VASCO, Neno Door of Europe. Lisbon: Library Libertas, 1913.
_______. The anarchist movement in Brazil. The Seeding. Lisbon. May 1911.
_______. Anarchism or union. Voice of the Worker. Rio de Janeiro, 05/01/1914.

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