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(en) Anarkismo.net: Working class and Portugal in the chronicles of Neno Vasco by Thiago Silva Lemos - Collective anarchist World (pt) [machine translation]
Thu, 17 Jan 2013 13:27:28 +0200
the day-to-day strikes rural and urban areas during the 1911-12 biennium I bring this work
to light the chronicles of Neno Vasco, originally published in the anarchist press and
working in Brazil and Portugal, and later published in his book The Door of Europe in
1913, about the relationship between the working class and woven Portuguese Republic
during the strikes occurred in rural and urban biennium 1911-1912. From your writing
cronÃstica, we intend to discuss how workers and Republicans behaved after the fall of the
monarchy, a fact that could not be contemplated without considering the union tactic of
these two important social forces from the political scene lusitano.-- Introduction --
There is no shortage there anarchists [...] smart, dedicated and sincere. There are so
little disjointed. In SÃo Paulo, for example, left with profound nostalgia, a cordial and
amiable, and only minor issues without free range - which would be superhuman - at least
clear of low intrigue, frank and friendly. Do not know the guy who has abandoned without
real regret [...] (VASCO, 1911).
Writing these lines would be to chronicle published n 'The Seeding , Neno Vasco 
revealed to the readers of the journal Lisbon dismay to leave the companions with whom he
shared for a decade, militancy in Brazil . In early 1911, when Neno decided to return
to Portugal, he was an activist well known inside and outside the circles of militant
anarchist and working class, had married Mercedes Moscoso , the father of three
children: Cyrus, Fantina, Ondine , and had a steady job as a translator of languages ââ
in commercial places of St. Paulo.Neno believed, however, that his return to Portugal
would facilitate contact with other anarchist figures from the European continent and thus
could contribute more dynamically and effectively with action and propaganda at
international level. Neno felt that with the fall of the monarchy and establishment of the
Republic, should not postpone his return and thereby extend further a project that has
haunted him for a long time.
Once completed the Atlantic crossing aboard the steam Dutch Friesland, on May 4, 1911, and
Vasconcelos Moscoso family settled in Lisbon. Once ashore, Neno Vasco sought as soon as
possible, reconnect with Hilary Marques, editor of The Seeding. Although, it seems, Neno
and Marques never met personally, the epistolary exchange between the two, which refers to
the period when he still lived in Brazil, seems to have generated a great bond of affinity
between the two. It was thanks to this contact Marques, scrupulously maintained for nearly
ten years, he could garner some space in leaves anarchists and workers in the Portuguese
press. Now, however, he would get a much higher visibility.
Without change, too, the ideological d 'The Seeding, he encountered many difficulties in
order to align the editorial profile of this monthly periodical, which, at that juncture,
already strode towards the union movement.  Neno Vasco via this magazine, as seen in
the magazine who directed Aurora in Brazil, the most appropriate way for the disclosure
and dissemination of anarchism among the working classes:
[...] Insisting on this route, the work performed was to meet an obstinate quest
undertaken by him, from which the ideological propaganda (the unions) associated with a
shrewd analysis of the changes [...], would permit the laying the foundations for the
organization of a strong anarchist movement and chances of lasting social leadership
(Samis, 2009, p. 258).
From the long and fruitful conversations woven afternoons inside the tavern known by the
alias of "Red Beans" meeting of employees of that magazine, Neno would be acquainting the
main events in his homeland during the nearly 10 years that he absent. The news before
received only by letters, flesh and life earned from oral reports made by new companions
on the boiling generated in the Portuguese population because implantation of the Republic
on 05 October of the previous year . Gradually the "stunning" generated by the long
trip and spent Neno not feel more "foreign country" (VASCO, 1913, p. 17). Possibly, these
conversations have become a stimulus for Neno wrote on May 15, 1911, a chronicle about the
process that led the Portuguese to put an end to dynastic regime that ruled the country
for nearly eight centuries:
[...] What could already see and hear came not only confirm the belief that I brought from
there formed as the stability of the Republic: that the Republic has long life and the
restoration of monarchical century has passed. The monarchy no longer find evidence of
life or the environment within the country, or the political and social atmosphere of
Europe and the world (VASCO, 1913, p.17).
I bring this work to light the chronicles of Neno Vasco, originally published in the
anarchist press and working in Brazil and Portugal, and later published in his book The
Door of Europe in 1913 , on the relationship between the woven working class and the
Portuguese Republic, during the strikes occurred in rural and urban biennium 1911-1912.
From your writing cronÃstica, we intend to discuss how workers and Republicans behaved
after the fall of the monarchy, a fact that could not be contemplated without considering
the union tactic of these two important social forces from the political scene lusitano.
The establishment of the Republic and the correlation of political forces among social
classes in Portugal
What Neno led to believe that the Republic seems to enjoy a long life, while the monarchy
no longer find more elements of living in Portugal? By analyzing the correlation of
political forces among social classes present in the process that enabled the construction
of the Republic, the columnist argued that there was no other country on the European
continent in more suitable conditions for the establishment of the new regime.
The aristocratic class, had lost any ability to sketch some resistance. Due mainly wear
the Constitutional Monarchy  had been suffering in recent years, due to the inability
to accept the reforms claimed by population, this class had little or even no
representation in society, having fallen more for the Monarchy "coldness of his
supporters" than the "momentum of his attackers" (VASCO, 1913, p.21). Even attempts at
counter-revolution carried out by former captain Paiva Couceiro deserve any attention.
This, despite showing some "bravery in combat," was "null policy". Couceiro represented in
his opinion "a poorly investigated phenomenon of political psychology", present in almost
all periods of transition from monarchical to republican regimes regimes, where it shows a
sort of "contrast between the character and timing," in which the "sublime "yesterday
would become the" ridiculous "today. Thus, attempts to Couceiro, inspiring him away from
any "uncontrollable anger" would raise before "smiles of pity" (VASCO, 1913, p, 20).
Neno Second, in all countries where capitalism prevailed, the bourgeoisie had already
demonstrated their predilections by the Republic over the monarchy, and even if she had
not done, was precisely:
[...] Because it fears that victory is snatched from her hands by the advanced part of the
industrial proletariat. And because at least is concerned that, having little or a lot of
appeal for the people, by more careful and disciplined to be a revolution, this exceeds
the limits marked beforehand, and appear threatening and firmly planted the social [...]
Where But the bourgeoisie can pass unscathed cable stormy political transformation, which
cleared once and the state machine of anachronistic survivals, handing it all over to the
political class, where she can quietly try the adventure, thanks to a lack proletariat
organized socialist tendencies, then all she willingly adheres to the new regime,
abandoning the mystical longing past the palace and clerical (VASCO, 1913, p.226-227).
Although divided into various fractions, the bourgeoisie would have been the class that
most helped and was helped with the new regime. Because of the little industrial
development in Portugal, the high bourgeoisie seemed "more or less indifferent to the new
forms of government" and "seemed to march their interests according to general opinion"
(VASCO, 1913, p.18) The small bourgeoisie, already in the process of proletarianization,
do not seem so different. As for the middle bourgeoisie, the situation was different. For
the chronicler, the Republic "was her work and for her", since the reforms implemented by
the new regime would have responded, almost entirely, to their interests as social class,
or by his "numerical importance," either by their "Independence material" (VASCO, 1913, p.19).
Once the social question was not yet "firmly planted in Portugal", the working class, is
leaving "by wrapping democratic promises," could not separate their interests from those
of the bourgeoisie, and, therefore, supported since the turn of the century nineteenth to
the twentieth century to fight the Republicans. According to him:
[...] The promises that Republicans had been forced to make the people, the popular naive
illusion of greater freedom, the solemn declaration of the right to strike, all this, of
course, contributed to the resurgence of unions (VASCO, 1913 , P236-237).
These promises, along with the political experience that the working classes had
accumulated during the struggle against the monarchy, however provoked an extraordinary
(re) birth of the trade union movement and a general intensification of the conflict
between capital and labor after the proclamation of the Republic. After decades of support
for Republicans, workers began to fight for their own interests. This was a clear sign
that something had shaken the lethargy and awakened class consciousness of those workers
who, if any, seemed to be asleep.
Since 1906, most unions had lost their expressiveness in that workers are left to absorb
the most exciting prospect of the Republican Revolution. Significantly, in 1910, the four
unions with over one hundred members: Construction of the Port, the Maritime and Welders
SetÃbal and Lisbon Textile Workers, had only one seat in Lisbon. However, the advent of
the Republic become appreciably this picture. In July of 1911 there were already 356
unions in Portugal, most of which had been founded or revived after October 1910. The
geographical distribution has also undergone some transformations (PULIDO, 1972, p. 249-250).
Rebirth of the labor movement certainly: but of which union is about? First, it is
necessary to retain that one is not talking of any union, but rather the union as
conceived by revolutionary syndicalism, whose strategy of struggle Portuguese roots in the
labor movement undoubtedly predates the establishment of the Republic, but whose process
irradiation, coincidentally, happens with the establishment of the new political regime in
Lusitanian lands. During this process of (re) birth of the trade union movement,
anarchists played a not inconsiderable, being ahead of resistance organizations and
quickly overtaking the Socialists, who until hegemonizavam the labor movement, but that
would be progressively isolated and marginalized by the new dynamics assumed by the union
movement. The Socialists remained active only in the few organizations existing mutuals,
who were more attuned to his reformist strategy, which began to go down the
parliamentarism. The transition from one strategy to another, as well as the role played
by anarchists and socialists in this process, is placed by John Freire as follows:
With a direct speech and aggressive (for bosses and large landowners) anarchists could
quickly grow its influence on the layers salaried, boosting strikes and other direct
actions and proposing workers take their destiny into their own hands [. ..] this period,
in revenge, the influence of socialists diminishes considerably: they will become clear
minority in the labor movement and come to the gears of political power only through
negotiations with Republicans and not for recognition of the electorate. The union was
undeniably the most active social force in the country (Freire, 2009, p. 94-95).
While engaged with anarchist revolutionary syndicalism, which preaches, so the worker's
direct action outside and against the state, which Neno hoped the newly formed Republic?
What Neno hoped the new regime decided that this was not a social issue. According to him,
the social question could never be resolved in a capitalist society, regardless of the
political regime that this would take. In your opinion:
[...] No reform that respects the existing property regime, which let stand the wage
system and the division of society into economic classes, may be the solution of the
social problem, not the class that holds the economic and political power if dispossess
himself own or leave easily expropriate its privileges, sure and certain, as much as you
speak of socializing the means of production and reorganization of society to make the
most of all (VASCO, 1913, p.235).
Neno Second, even if the Republicans occupy it, but they did not do in order to aggrandize
superficial reforms, whose purpose was to regulate and circumscribe rights that were
hard-won by the direct action of workers. Actually, what he expected of the Republic was
to respect basic democratic rights, essential to the labor movement, such as:
[...] Freedom of assembly, speech and association (freedom indeed mean well, by
deprivation of economic means), the right to strike is not intimidating sofismado by
military measures, the death penalty in full without square trial disorganize the violence
on the pretext of keeping order (VASCO, 1913, p.236).
Put another way: Neno expected from the Republic that "it was [...] not what she could not
The Republican reaction before the strikes of 1911-1912 rural and urban
But the extent to which the Republic was what it should be according to the anarchist, I
mean, to what extent she respected democratic freedoms? Once the first strikes began to
swarm in Portugal, Republicans took an opposite position with regard to workers.
But here soon, wrote Neno Vasco, our Republicans distressed, hand on head, hey them to
manufacture a draconian regulation that, if applied, would make always fatal defeat of the
strikers, hey them to employ every means of coercion intimidation and in all important
movements (VASCO, 1913, p.236-2370).
This draconian regulation which alludes Neno is the decree regulating the right to strike.
Once established, the new regime regulating the right to strike, however, raised a number
of obstacles which aimed to control the radius of action of the strikers. The "decree
banter" as quickly became known in the press and anarchist workers, demanded that workers
warned us at least one week in advance their intention to paralyze the work. As explained
in the section that Neno noted above, the decree did not differ and alter almost anything
in the right of workers to strike. On the one hand, if the decree was obeyed, it would be
sufficient by itself to defeat the strikers. On the other, if disobeyed, the government
intervened violently with the pretext of defending the law, thereby directly benefiting
the bosses. In that regard, he vaticinava to argue that:
Representing the interests of the middle class, for the Republic, the middle classes are
all the people, and their interests are the interests of all. Your republic is something
sacrosanct, and so is the freedom and salvation of all, so lightly disturb the tranquility
of the drive is falling and digest the most heinous crime. What more do you want? We did
the Republic, an instrument of reform, we satisfy the aspirations of modern democracy, we
renew much of the personal and bureaucratic coreligionist put good number of friends,
create new places [...] what more do they want? (VASCO, 1913, p.32-33).
The rural and urban strikes occurred during the biennium de1911-1912, which Neno croniciou
with extreme care, this amply testify. According to him, from June 1911 begins in Ãvora,
SantarÃm, Coruche and other inland cities alentejano a series of general strikes carried
out by different categories of rural proletariat: harvesters, dairy and diggers, towards a
series of claims: priority hiring for those who resided in the locality in which they
worked, the end cost of living, restriction of the use of agricultural machinery,
reduction of working hours and the stipulation of a minimum wage.
Among all claims, emphasized that Neno is alluding to that stipulation of the minimum
wage, perhaps due to the particularities assumed by relations between capital and labor in
the Alentejo region, which was constantly subjected to seasonal crises, which prevented
with workers obtain some regular occupation throughout the year. In this sense, they
believed that the existence of a fixed salary and paid minimally so piecemeal, to allow
that supported the fall season unfit for work and did not have to wait until spring, when
weather conditions become possible again for your return plowing and harvesting (PEREIRA,
1983, p. 487).
Even in the wake of the promises made in the period preceding October 05, rural workers,
believing that the government would address their demands for "democratic way", organized
the strike in accordance with all required by law dictates that the regulated. Despite
adhering to the protocol, the initiative of the strikers was not viewed favorably by the
government unleashed a fierce process of persecution and repression of workers. In a
chronicle written some time after, precisely on February 04, 1912, Neno put in evidence,
with all the irony peculiar to him, the contrast of actions taken by a thread and the
other in the immediate outbreak of the strike.
Long live the Republic! And the associations were soon closed. Long live the Republic! And
the city banished cavalry groups submissive, chasing them for miles. Long live the
Republic! And the representatives of the strikers, Republican of old date, came to the
prisons of Lisbon. Long live the Republic! And beached by the bullets of the Republican
Guard fell one dead and several wounded, one of whom, on January 31, 1891, faced in
defense of republican aspiration, mesmissa repression with the epithet monarchist (Vasco,
Even under strong climate of violence hanging in the air, thanks to the strikers
mobilizations that occurred in 1911, the claim concerning the minimum wage has been met.
However, not all employers fulfill what was agreed. This led workers of Ãvora, where the
agreement had not been met, go on strike again in January 1912. Although the claim that
led to it were the same, things have gone up in another plane, mainly because of the new
configuration that the relationship between the Republic and the workers began to take over.
For that converged the violent reaction of the state, the experience accumulated during
the strike held last year, and also the closeness between unionists and rural urban trade
unionists from the mediation Carlos Rates. As a result of discussions during the course of
the Second Congress Syndicalist, May 1911, was considered a resolution that called for the
creation of a secretariat tour coordinated by Rates, in order to conduct a propaganda tour
the Alentejo, which contributed to the unions were better structured, but others were
created, giving them a higher profile tending to revolutionary syndicalism (Samis, 2009,
In accordance with the actions taken so far, the government has again unleashed a
systematic process of persecution and repression of peasants in Ãvora, closing unions
without any justification and threatening the implementation of similar procedures in
other associations, which perhaps allowed the meeting strikers. Because of the wave of
repression that befell farmers in Ãvora, Lisbon workers joined the movement for a general
strike in solidarity with the workers of that part of the Alentejo. Similar movements
arose and raged in Setubal, Coimbra and other cities. Given the strength of this movement
acquired in the field and in the city, the government redoubled violence. In Lisbon, where
he concentrated the largest number of urban workers on strike, constitutional guarantees
were suspended and the state of siege declared for 30 days. As a result, workers
entrenched in Union House, where coordinated strike, were surrounded by army forces which,
making use of a strong artillery, tried to intimidate the strikers (Samis, 2009, p.294-295).
Neno Second, the government's justification for such violence was that Portugal was going
through a time when everyone should sacrifice himself so that the Republic had the time to
consolidate itself as an institution. While not "everyone was served," nobody "would have
the right to be served by their own hands," for impatience was taken as evidence of
"treason monarchic" (VASCO, 1913, p.33). The need to Neno had to emphasize this was not
fortuitous. The idea that unionists and allied royalists had to (re) build the Monarchy in
Portugal had become a fact, or rather, a ghost who haunted the Republicans for a long
time, and is thus the touchstone from which built up the political repression of the new
In this sense, the chronicler puts the question to the reader: there might be some
connection between these two segments, as distinct from one another? In his opinion, no.
But between monarchists and republicans themselves perhaps, since many of them had come
from own Monarchy, "not without great effort and profound change." This leads to the
conclusion "at first sight paradoxical" that the union "would be more Republican than the
Republicans own official and unofficial" fight for respect for the rights they claimed to
have given, but the flagrantly disregarded. To strengthen the hypothesis that there was no
connection between unionists and royalists, he argued not crave:
[...] The time to return a misunderstanding when to found the Republic, the proletariat
forgot organization and class struggle, whereas today, untrammeled terrain that political
issue, the Republic's experience in making their work (VASCO, 1913, p.19).
In his view, the Portuguese Republic nothing should be expected, not only because he
believed that she would be unable to resolve the social question, but because what could
be more positive in a bourgeois democratic hypothetically, that is respect for basic
freedoms, the Portuguese Republic seemed unable to offer. But if Neno not expect the
Republic to solve social issue, nor that she would respect basic freedoms, there would
still be something that one would expect from her? The only thing he believed he could
expect was the disappointment of the Republic workers, a fact that seems to have resonated
strongly among them the final analysis of rural and urban strikes occurred during the
Workers were filled to rely on legislative nostrums and promises of politicians and
bosses. Suffered the cruelest disappointments. Saw the collapse of utopias democratic
government. There emptiness and ineffectiveness of legal reforms. And why go to war. Go to
war and receive blows naturally. But also vibrate. Inattentive show the world, with a
brutal jolt, the strength of their marriage, the importance of their social role and the
justice of their cause. Make themselves aware of its value and its power (VASCO, 1913, p.152).
As the chronicler of diagnosis, in addition to eradicate any illusion as to the Republic,
the content definitely classist assumed by the new government, strengthened and carried
forward the idea, dear to revolutionary syndicalism, that workers could not count only on
their action itself, directly and autonomously. As a result of this observation is that
Neno Vasco will enter and establish themselves in the labor movement since the Portuguese,
finding the union strategy of direct action to operationalize a mobile social changes he
and other anarchists intended effect.
Thiago Lemos Silva has a degree in History at Unipam (Centro Universitario de Patos de
Minas) and MA in History from the UFU (Universidade Federal de UberlÃndia), an elementary
school teacher in private and public member of the Collective World anarchist.
 Over Seeding see: Freire, 1981.
 Neno Vasco actually pseudonym Gregory Nazianzen Moreira de QueirÃs Vasconcelos was
born in Penafiel, northern Portugal, on May 9, 1878 and died on September 15, 1920 in Sao
Romao do Coronado near Porto. -Historical Dictionary of Biographical (s) Anarchism (s) in
Brazil, 2000, P103. Neno Vasco started using this pseudonym only after his admission to
the anarchist movement and workers in Portugal, around 1900. Before, went by his given
name. Great Encyclopedia and Brazilian Portuguese. S / D, p.306.
 However, this did not mean that his activism in Brazil has pending. For, even after he
returned to Portugal, Neno continued to participate in the anarchist press and interact
with the Brazilian labor movement. In fact, Neno believed that closer ties between the
anarchist movement and workers in Brazil and Portugal, it was of paramount importance to
construct different strategies, where all countries, ignoring the boundaries created by
the State, is to institute a federalizariam pean capitalist free society. True to this
demarche internationalist, he served for nearly a decade, so join fellow located on this
side of the Atlantic and there. In this regard see: SILVA, 2012.
 Neno Vasco married Mercedes Moscoso in 1905. -Historical Dictionary of Biographical
(s) Anarchism (s) in Brazil, 2000, p. 103.
 Cyrus was born in 1908, was born in 1908 and Fantina Ondina in 1910. That if we except
his son Dino, who died shortly after birth in 1909. -Historical Dictionary of Biographical
(s) Anarchism (s) in Brazil, 2000, p. 103.
 Despite its engagement with the revolutionary syndicalist strategy, it is necessary to
underline that Neno never placed any confidence in "intrinsic virtues" of unionism, and
much less endorsing its corollary: "syndicalism is sufficient unto itself," as did the
anarchist unionists. Assuming that the organization can be working both as a conservation
tool of bourgeois social revolution, he feared that the "spirit corporatist" could overlap
the "revolutionary spirit", making the "class struggle" suffocate "the struggle class ".
The example of anarcho-communism, he thought essential to the existence of a specifically
anarchist organization, which should act inside and outside the unions in order to prevent
this from happening, without, however, being carried away by the temptation to impose
anarchism as there a kind of official doctrine. VASCO, Neno. Anarchism or union. Voice of
the Worker. Rio de Janeiro, 05/01/1914.
 The establishment of the Republic in Portugal was the result of a coup d'etat carried
out by the Republican Party with the support of other political forces, on 05 October
1910, which overthrew the monarchy. For this, collaborated dissatisfaction of the
population against the subjugation of Portugal to British interests, the power of the
Church, the expenses of the royal family, the instability of the economy and especially
the fact that Portugal was lagging behind other countries Europeans. View: Catroga, 2010.
 The book chronicles published in Gate of Europe in 1913 overlying the period 1911 to
1912. This is a team that focused on major media outlets anarchist and working in Brazil
and Portugal, by which circled much of the literary production of Neno Vasco in the period
after his crossing to the other side of the Atlantic. The initial script of the book
begins with the newspaper The Lantern (1911-1916), of St. Paul. From Rio de Janeiro and
Porto Alegre, have respectively chronicles published in newspapers The Social War
(1911-1912) and The Diary (1909-1912). The chronicles published in magazines Aurora
(1910-1920), the Port, and The Sowing (1908-1913) Lisbon close this script.
 A constitutional monarchy was established in Portugal in 1820 with the liberal
revolution, known as "vintismo." Since then, the system of representation of cuts divided
into three orders of the kingdom: clergy, nobility and people, has been replaced by a
parliamentary assembly. View: Sardica, 2003.
Catroga, Fernando The Republicanism in Portugal: From Training to 5 October. Lisbon: Casa
das Letras, 2010.
-Historical Dictionary of Biographical (s) Anarchism (s) in Brazil. UberlÃndia, Mimeo, 2000.
Freire, John Influences de la Charte d'Amiens et du syndicalisme rÃvolutionnaire sur le
mouvement ouvrier au Portugal, In: Miguel Chueca (ed.), Le syndicalisme rÃvolutionnaire,
it charte d'Amiens et l'autonomie ouvriÃre, Paris, CNT- RP, 2009.
_______. The Seeding of arsenalista Hilary Marques Social Analysis, Lisbon, 67/68, 1981.
Great Encyclopedia and Brazilian Portuguese. VASCONCELOS (of Nazianzus). Lisbon / Rio de
Janeiro: Encyclopedia Editorial Ltda. S / D
PEREIRA, Ana Paula de Brito. The rural strikes of 1911-1912 through the press Social
Analysis, No. 77/78/79, Lisbon, 1983.
PULIDO, Vasco. The Republic and the working classes (October 1910-August 1911). Social
Analysis. Lisbon, No. 34.1972.
Samis, Alexandre. My country is the whole world: Neno Vasco, Anarchism and Revolutionary
Syndicalism in Two Worlds. Lisbon: Free Lyrics, 2009.
Sardica, JosÃ Miguel. The Vintismo before the Church and Catholicism. Penelope - Magazine
of History and Social Sciences, n. # 27, Oeiras, Celta Editora, June 2003.
SILVA, Thiago Lemos. Biographical Fragments of an Anarchist at the Door of Europe:
cronÃstica writing as writing itself in Neno Vasco. Thesis (MA in History), UFU,
VASCO, Neno Door of Europe. Lisbon: Library Libertas, 1913.
_______. The anarchist movement in Brazil. The Seeding. Lisbon. May 1911.
_______. Anarchism or union. Voice of the Worker. Rio de Janeiro, 05/01/1914.
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