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(en) Anarchist Federation of Rio de Janeiro: Opportunism, childhood illness left pragmatic support to police strikes (pt) [machine translation]

Date Mon, 14 Jan 2013 10:58:36 +0200

The recent strike Military Police of Bahia resumes an old thread on the inside of the left. The discussion is oriented primarily with regard to the position of workers in relation to the police strike. In general, the positions can be divided into two blocks [1] . There are those who advocate strike by police as this is a category of persons and, therefore, exploited, or as any other workers, and those who do not defend the police, because they understand that their role is directly linked to repression and the class of oppressors and exploiters. The groups supporting the strike of mostly police claim that within the PMs, there would be a "class division" [2] : a sector more linked to the dominant classes (officership) and another operated by the first, composed of the patent calls casualties (soldiers , cables, clamps).

The latter exploited by their condition, should receive the support of the Left tactically and workers. Another argument, supporting the argument of those who advocate support of striking police is that the police would also be in "dispute". So ignore the possibility of influencing this sector would, among other things, a position purely "idealistic" for those wishing to break into a revolutionary process.

Availing ourselves of our constitution ideological libertarian, before we go to the field theory, where our analysis may be better grounded, remember the eviction of Pinheirinho, run "masterly" by the Military Police, whose low branches of officialdom, even "exploited" economically , efficiently fulfilled its function to repress, beating and dumping (not to mention the allegations of sexual assault). Let us recall the role of the Military Police in Rio hills, killing and killing our people poor and black under the pretext of fighting drug trafficking. Let us recall the repressive actions of the Military Police in student demonstrations and workers, allowing their free transit capital and reproduction. Not to mention, even if it were necessary, the role of the police in maintaining inequality and defend the rulers and exploiters of our people. Some satisfy themselves with the reflections made so far. We would add to these ideological certainties, enhanced experience of many militants of popular movements in which we operate, and living day to day with oppression, racism and repression of "workers" police!
But it must also base our positions on the ground of the theory, since certain political organizations of the left, who support the strike police respond to us that this is only the police that way because of that control, and the tactical support police strike would be included in a strategy much more "comprehensive" defeat of capitalism.

But we understand that those who advocate support for police officers do, mainly by applying theoretical readings completely misleading. First things first mistake with regard to the functioning of power. Understand the institution police action only by those who control it is a serious error analysis that leads to reductionism. Capitalist society is structured by relations of power and spheres of domination, the latter being interdependent. thus can not explain the domination exercised by police only as an effect of "secondary" in the economic sphere, whose "nature" would be modified only with changing the system of capitalist production by socialist. One has to realize that socialism and freedom are forged with new institutions and new values. nature The police can not be understood only in terms of who "controls", nor understand it exclusively from agreements "offices" and discourses issued by its dome. Must be understood in its entirety and the concrete action that had this institution in history: the soldier to the officer, the police were always at the service of explorers and conquerors and had been the core of the reaction against the workers . There repressive structure of this interdependence with the other spheres of domination (economic, political, cultural / ideological, etc.). The ball repressive (police and military) meet thus a role as to the maintenance of capitalism as economic exploitation. Believing that the police institution (and the state) can be "molded" to the will of their managers is to ignore the historical processes that indicate that:
[...] the bourgeoisie has to reshape a state that was already before and that has its own things. A "new class" bourgeois domination adapts to existing, resulting another conformation of political power " [3] .

The Left that supports the "workers" who police believe to be able to "mold", the will, the military sphere of the capitalist system in its core harder, or this tactic follows a political-electoral opportunism? Ensure, so no paths that would lead to the dismantling of the system, but end up reinforcing the population, and social movements, the idea that this sphere of domination should never be questioned!

In this sense, the lesson of the Mexican Revolution brings an element of fundamental theoretical disintegration of this sphere of domination: it is the people who put guns in the police decisive in a crisis, not the police! Just as the bourgeoisie, the police are not in dispute! A strong people put the police in crisis! No wonder that the first blow against bourgeois military sphere is given by the generalization of elements of popular power that frankly put in check as an institution . The operation "standard" police in revolutionary processes is always a sign of defeat for the workers!

Another issue is the concept of class , extremely simplistic, used by groups that advocate the thesis of "uniformed worker" or "worker safety". By generalizing the concept of class based only in the question of economic exploitation and capitalist relations of production , means the officer erroneously as "exploited worker", since this is also employed and thus could gain an awareness of the class from their condition. To retake that anarchists (as Bakunin) that deepened with greater complexity this topic. The police can be inserted in a condition to be employed and "oppressed" within its institutional structure, but has a vital function for the perpetuation of the system of domination capitalist , who is the defense of private property , beyond control, repression and extermination of all those oppressed classes and sectors of the population who seek to organize themselves somehow to claim aa social demands.

Any ideology that seeks to rupture and social revolution, and intends to build his theory of effective action accordingly, should seek a broad concept of class and has correspondence with the complexity of modern societies. In understanding that people move not only by material interests and demands, and economic or social spheres that all developments are merely the relations of capitalist production. There are demands cultural, moral, religious workers to build and attach meaning socially. Just as there are relations of domination that exceed the relations of production, such as gender domination, for example. None of these relationships of domination excludes the fact that we have to fight against economic exploitation and linking this with the other fight against all forms of oppression. This is not to say that this broader concept of class bump in the intellectual vacuum of those who insist that "there are no classes," or that reality has changed so rapidly that it is impossible to say what is a class or that this concept does not account for the reality. To these, just remember pines [4] , and more recently in Oaxaca, the confrontation workers and police in Rio de Janeiro trains (incidentally, the sectors of the left who argue the police should also remember)! Do not want to fall into subjectivism sterile, leave it to charlatans and would-be iconoclasts. Capitalism remains strong and knows adapt, crisscrossing with other forms of domination, but the hard core repressive (army and police) is essential for their maintenance.
Does anyone believe that those who work joyfully within the police, even in areas of low officership only do so for economic reasons?

Let's not be frivolous to compare a police strike a strike and other employees say that both are equal and are the same thing. One must be careful with the discourse that says all categories, or even government policies, within a system of domination are equivalent. To say that everything is equal (a teacher, a legislator, a cop, a judge) is not being honest with the facts. We can not play this type of design because what characterizes the effect of unequal distribution of power, and therefore also of classes, is, in a sense, the location that the agents play in the hard structure of the system of domination, and the benefits individual (not necessarily economic) that these individuals receive to occupy these positions. Support for police strike, in an election year, against the PT government of Bahia, the defense of "police" citizen and the militarization of cities, are strategies that only reinforce the dominance over the poor and oppressed, and contribute little to the struggle for socialism and freedom. Although there are "exploited sectors" in low officership, this changes nothing about the reactionary role of the police apparatus against us workers. Defending the police strike is to defend the block harder and reaction means to strengthen and improve the infrastructure of the repressive apparatus of the bourgeoisie against us workers . A police strike can not be seen beyond what is: a claim that seeks the salary increase and improved conditions to continue massacring our people and defend more effectively the bourgeoisie and capital. Those who defend it, they should have the decency to take that place up, even temporarily, alongside the explorers, conquerors and killers of our people.

[1] Cf FERREIRA, Hemerson. The strike left before the PMs in Bahia: what to do? Available Accessed 08/02/12.
[2] Ibid.
[3] Uruguayan Anarchist Federation Anarchist Federation-Gaúcha. Gallarza Document Wellington-Malvina Tavares. Printed in 2011.
[4] The lumpemproletariados of pines, the traditional Marxist theory, should behave as true reactionaries, since Marx in the Communist Manifesto, relates the position excluded from the lumpenproletariat on the production system with the support of the most reactionary layers of the ruling elites. He calls them the "dregs" of capitalism (including the peasants). Fortunately the systems theoretical time or another are thwarted by the practice and experience of the class.
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