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(en) Anarkismo.net: Seven theses for a freedom movement in the center of the storm by Jose Luis Carretero (ca, ct) [machine translation]
Thu, 01 Nov 2012 10:27:18 +0200
A proposal for action and research for the freedom movement in these tumultuous early
twenty-first century must necessarily include a brief diagnosis of the situation. A
diagnosis is summarized in one word: recession. ---- Crisis of a system of domination and
a way to produce sustained on exploitation and violence. Crisis also classical paradigms
that he faced, which pushed to limit and vascular made between repression and reform. Do
not forget this second aspect of the crisis. ---- Social movements (and, the global area)
have shown in recent decades in the footsteps of a great defeat, the first revolutionary
wave, which lasted from 1871 to 1989. The battle scars that can be seen to this day. And,
indeed, the toxic byproducts generated by the attempt to metabolize the resistance of the
system, to be victorious, almost part of the DNA that has survived and, now, even the most
likely emergence a new cycle of struggles honestly hope.
The libertarian movement is no exception. These years of defeat and marginalization has
already been charged with multiple ballasts and have incorporated many features to their
dark figure that if we have to empty it becomes a solid and useful tool in the hands of
those who want to overthrow the current state of affairs. Therefore, and in line with some
of the current debates, I try to untie some knots trying to tighten the dynamics present
on our practices and proposals.
Here are some theories for public discussion and fellowship, in the search for a
recomposition of insurrection libertarian who begins to advertise a bit everywhere:
First thesis: Ours is a social movement. The libertarian movement is a movement that is
transforming reality. Plain and simple. Changing the world is to change the uses and
structures that support the overall dominant form of life, namely, capitalism. This means
that our research is not spiritual (a kind of new Christianity to hunt and capture of
fasting and penitence) but an attempted revolution. And, strange as it turns out, our
model is not the saint or the community morally pure, but linked to the militant mass
movements and the great social struggles.
Struggles, in any case, revolutionary, ie trying to produce effects rugged forward, not
just a slow evolution. Moreover, this also implies that the link with the great masses of
the people, their needs and interests, it is absolutely unavoidable. We will not change
anything alone, and is the deepest avant impose the crowds is what should concern them.
That means protecting the interests of those who are under immediate material and can not
be exploited and abandoned at the time of the Great Looting and most offensive of the
financial oligarchy, deal with the dynamics of poverty and generate desposeidores a power
out of control is absolutely essential.
Second thesis: In addition, ours is a movement of the working class. Always, all my life,
the freedom movement has expressly identified with the interests of most social exploited:
the proletariat of the countryside and the city. We discuss how it is constituted today,
this class, what are their real fault lines. What we can not, because it is utterly false
and that the past decades show us that takes us in a direction, is to deny the reality of
labor exploitation and extraction plusvalor.
The working class exists, even if precariousness and perhaps more subject than ever. The
illusion of the existence of a pervasive middle class is what is sinking today. The
illusory thesis is closely related to the spread of consumerism, capitalism work is
sporadic and not something necessary for survival. We have returned, inevitably, to a
fact: liberation "work" involves the appropriation and socialization, not a leak in the
margin that the only thing it does is reinforce the same strings that aim to submit .
Of course, this leads us to venture another statement, we can criticize the reactionary
aspects of the world of organized labor, his laugh current weakness and attempts to launch
a general strike on militant unionism, can make all the phrases that give us hunger for
"new social figures" who, meanwhile, we are unable to organize the workplace ... no no
Social Revolution possible.
No workers organized the forthcoming constitutional process will be only the expression of
political ambition remains radicalized middle class. No working class has no social
content, just policy change (in the best case, it is also difficult to change anything
without pressure in production) dressed, it is possible, with some cosmetic assemblies.
The future constitutional process only makes sense from a libertarian perspective, if it
incorporates clearly the social component, and for this it is necessary pressure organized
working class. Not just some elements of direct democracy purely marginal future
constitution, if in the end we will be, as now, the labor reform, the ETTs and Contractors
Third thesis: The libertarian movement committed to the unit. Our movement as real
dynamics and class commitment to the unity of subject areas and exploited. Knowing the
reality of the experience of bygone struggles, we know that only the unity of all sectors
of the population under the control of the financial elite oligarchic transnational may
constitute a block large enough and strong enough to push changes in the direction of
democratization (political and economic) of the world. The Grand Social Alliance would be
to change the expression, but 99% do the vast majority of the global population.
Our goal is to bring this fight to deepen sufficient elements for socializing and assembly
make it the beginning of a great transition to another global model radically different.
Make the changes you start walking this great historic bloc into productive and self
direct democracy, overcoming the hesitations and doubts from other sectors and class
fractions that pretend to stop halfway, which can only lead to a involution.
But to build this Great Social Alliance, it is clear that we must give up everything
around sectarianism and dogmatism, passion and judge summarily to discredit others. Habits
deeply ingrained in our media. Assuming that fraternal and constructive criticism is not
only necessary but deeply healthy, we should incorporate also the DNA of our movement
habits of cooperation and partnership, collaboration and the spread of all those
struggling. To listen to once and for all, and not only drop filípiques to these people in
the streets and workplaces which both speak.
Fourth thesis organization? Yeah, if only. The enemy is organized. Other sectors that want
to carry the water from his mill authoritarian social struggles are organized. Giving the
organization would be suicidal and irresponsible, unless we want to just be eternally shed
the nice concepts then manipulate others as they wanted to turn them into tools of power.
In addition, the organization is nothing inherently wrong or alienating. We have the
elements (the assembleisme, federalism ...) to build structures with sense and democratic
legitimacy. And we can do it in every social sphere (the workplace, the public,
Not every organization is necessarily avant-garde (in the bad sense of the word). If it is
part of what feminism was called the "tyranny of the lack of structure", where all
decisions are taken in the hallways and bars, a minority of known type and not have to pay
accountable to anyone. And all the assembly is done, not by this or that party (in the end
it would be recognizable), but by a "seamless network" of types that are the same and do
not let anyone else involved, but yes, very phraseology community. Some have enough
experience with diffuse and informal settings to know what we speak. There are
"organizations" democratic "networks" deeply centralist and vice versa. But the
organization (democracy, we say) to do things more and more complex and larger scale and
also the only lifeline before the time of reflux, the repressive action, infiltration and
Fifth thesis: hybridization? Of course, but to see how. I came here a little about the
allegations in a recent article, the partner of the CGT Antonio J. Carretero. We
intervene, I said clearly elsewhere. And doing it well beyond the workplace, I have no
doubt. We should be in the social movements, environmentalism, in the CSA, in large
current cultural, musical, poetic ... everywhere.
We are part of a world in flux, and we're just going to live this life. The vitality and
passion have to push ourselves to do everything we can to develop all our capacities and
interfere in all our struggles. It is also a necessary thing from the point of view of
strategic and tactical. What I'm not so clear is that this will make it necessarily the
union, regardless of their strength or the amount of energy that can be channeled in this
direction. If spare capacity, why not, but can also block other necessary work.
I think that beats in the background behind this proposal "comprehensive union" is the
radical absence of a specific organization unit that can take a broad and holistic
perspective from a decidedly libertarian position. There are specific, but their trends
"synthesis" and its exclusive link with a union or other organization that may have made
it impossible to fulfill this function. So let the "Core" several common themes, and
sometimes (not always, because there are many "platform" very healthy and assembly) with
complex just be working for others. We solve it with a "complete union" that take the
place of the specific unit that does not exist, but of course, a union has other needs and
Has the time to consider the construction of a specific anarchist organization, which for
unitary and non-dogmatic approach favors the extension of social influence our
perspectives in all the movements, under penalty of follow prevailing fracture and
increasingly cainites trends in our fields.
Sixth thesis: build and defend. Social movements should be facing the big financial powers
offense. We must defend the social wage in the form of deferred and free public education
or health care universally accessible. Must face pension and labor reforms. We need to
prevent the people of flesh and blood remain in poverty and misery. We must also build
viable alternatives existential and the way the world is structured. Spread a large and
diversified network autogestionaria experiment with forms of socialization and control
worker and citizen services.
You must do both at the same time, however difficult that may be. They are not
antithetical or contradictory. Defending the deal is essential to the rear can be
experienced at all. Converting the rear in a laboratory for new forms of life without
authority or exploitation is essential to make sense of the dangers facing the front.
Another way is the pressure of the working class: labor organization in constant demand,
and the experiments of building the new society stresses the productive structure. The
confluence of both areas creates the possibility of the emergence of a transformed
reality, and at times in conflict with the old world. This is Communism (libertarian, of
course) as the real movement which abolishes the present state of things. Conflict and
Construction. Conflict and social creativity. Our "creative destruction."
Seventh thesis: Audacity, more audacity. The world is in turmoil. In times of crisis, the
old man still has not died at all but it is too weak to radiate power over the social
whole, the new unborn, but it says its volcanic nature behind the scenes. This is the
moment in which social movements that once they had had no option left their mark in the
social set can produce decisive bifurcations in systems subjected to a storm of chaotic
flows and pressures. It's time to push. An extremely dangerous moment, of course, but
pregnant with possibilities.
A libertarian movement that struggles to establish itself as a useful tool in the hands of
the exploited and oppressed, an instrument of liberation and transformation of reality,
can not remain apart from the great movements of the tectonic plates of our world.
Radically transform society in the next decades. In our hands trying to influence the
direction of these changes. Nobody said it was easy. But the passion and boldness are
These are our thesis. We need to submit them to the court of review fraternal and exacting
test of practice. We need to find us.
Jose Luis Carretero Miramar
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